Commentary: US Global Justice & Restitution

PerAnkh House of Life Website Header 1
By Nb Ka Ra Christopher—A Concise Version Of An Extended Position Paper
October 1st, 2008

EDITOR’S NOTE: This commentary, originally written in 2008, remains relevant today.  Despite having entered a self-proclaimed “Post-Racial Society”, we still see all the ills that impacted upon people of Afrikan descent – poverty, crime, education, institutional racism, police brutality, disproportionate prosecution and punishment, political imprisonment, dispossession of Black Farmers and the increasing colonization of our Mother Continent by US-based multinational corporations.  Add to this the fact that the racial climate has suffered in the United States because of a social and political backlash against the Obama Administration (despite its own acquiescence to the right-wing political agenda), and we see evidence that, in many ways, life for Afrikan descendants is worse than before, and the need for both external and internal reparation is greater than ever.  Here, Baba Neb Ka Ra of Per Ankh Em Smai Tawi gives historical and spiritual perspective to the call for restitution and reparation from the world’s dominant superpower, one which became so largely by the unpaid labor of our Afrikan Ancestors. 

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This commentary is being shared from a collective voice of Indigenous Afrakan ascended people at a time when many states, corporations and entities of the mainland United States of America are making verbal apologies for slavery and its long-lasting institutions that still impacted our social & economic life in 2008 and continue to do so today.

We greet you all with great peace, justice, love and harmony in the Name of Our Great Mother-Father Neter-Awe-All Nature: I Am That I Am The All In All:

This commentary is a synopsis of an extended treatise being addressed to the Honorable Judges and US Attorneys, executive, legislative and other judiciary agents, branches and representatives of the United States of America et. al.  Its main purpose is to inform your relative institutions of our position as Indigenous Afrakan Survivors of the unjust and criminal captivity and enslavement of our Indigenous Afrakan Ancestors. This commentary serves as the ra-initiation of a pursuit for a legal complaint, on behalf of our Indigenous Afrakan Ancestors and we as their ascendants (descendants) to be filed charging the entity and institution known as the Sovereign Government and Nation of the United States of America and other nations to include yet not be limited to: Great Britain, Portugal, Spain, Holland, Sweden, Belgium, Germany, Denmark, Islamic Leaders of Mecca-Arabia, Israelite Leaders of Aretz-Israel, and other nations, institutions, organizations, families, and entities that have committed mass crimes, criminal activities, genocide, oppression and racism against Indigenous Afrakans, Ameridians and other indigenous peoples, families and nations of huemanity. These mass murders, crimes and acts of genocide have no statutes of limitations.

This commentary is being written on behalf of the indigenous Afrakan Ancestors and their ascendants (descendants) who have not yet been vindicated for the organized, conscious and planned inhuemane injustices and crimes committed against our ancestors during the Indigenous Afrakan Trans Atlantic Slave Trade Holocaust-Maangamizi, the conquest of the Americas, the colonization of the Americas and Caribbean, the development of the modern nations of the western hemisphere inclusive of the United States of America, the colonization and neocolonialization of Afraka, and the partitioning of Afraka into more than 50 countries at the Berlin Conference of 1884. This is the beginning of a process for justice to be administered, restored and atoned for the victims that have suffered from the criminal activities that were consciously and systematically incorporated and utilized to expand European imperialism, supremacy, globalization and dominance over non-Europeans, such as the Indigenous Afrakans and their ascendants (descendants) and other Indigenous Peoples. Just a mere gesture of apology is not going to vindicate and be enough atonement for the souls and spirits of our ancestors when we look at the existing conditions of our Indigenous Afrakan Peoples on our continental homeland, our social conditions as their ascendants (descendants) in the Diaspora, and the inhuemane life conditions of other Indigenous Peoples of the Earth. The “wicked king” of the biblical “Exodus Story” did not just give an apology for the “enslavement” of Israel, nor did Germany just give the Jews a verbal apology for their holocaust mass murder and enslavement against the Jews pre, during and post-World War II.

We need for justice, atonement, and amends to be made to rectify the injustices and abuses, and manifestation of restitution for the unjust and inhuemane crimes committed against our Indigenous Afrakan ancestors. This needs to begin with communications (educational symposia, summit, public policy meetings, counsel, mediation et. al.) with those in authority so that we can begin to initiate and establish a process for this matter to be brought to the table in a proactive and intervention-driven international forum through an established International Court of Justice of Indigenous Afrakan People, other Indigenous Peoples, and the United Nations.

When we look at the existing conditions of the Indigenous Peoples of the countries and nations that have experienced the invasion, conquest, domination, illegal occupation of their homes and homeland, the exploitation and terrorism, as well as those that were unjustly torn from their indigenous homelands, one can see plainly the inhuemane conditions which they are still facing everyday for their survival. Our Indigenous homeland of Afraka, our Diasporic colonies and countries, the habitations of the indigenous peoples of the world are all experiencing a heavy unjust imbalance in economic poverty, healthcare, education, resource development, political unrest, housing shortages, environmental catastrophes, endemic human made plagues and diseases that are killing our populations in a genocidal and exterminating proportion. When we look at Europe, America and many of the so-called developed and industrial nations, we see the opposite. We see them thriving in material gains, education, health, economics, stable political structure, strong military powers etc. Simultaneously, we see them invading and oppressing other nations and distributing their wealth to others like themselves while depriving others that are not of their same hue and race. They need to “dig the log out of their own eyes before they can dig the speck out of others’ eyes.”

We have to do something and all things necessary to bring about a change for the betterment of our ascendants (descendants), ourselves and to vindicate our ancestors who did not have the right to seek justice and equality. We Indigenous Afrakans have to ra-spect that the purpose of the great amount of lives lost in the Indigenous Afrakan Transatlantic Slave Trade Holocaust-Maangamizi and the loss of lives during their resistance to their capture and enslavement does not go in vain. We have to utilize this experience to assist huemanity. Our sacrifices throughout the Maangamizi serve a greater purpose of saving us and our continental indigenous Afrakan homelands and Earth from genocide et. al.

Many of us are taught by our parents and elders of just and sound mind, that we should always strive to do the right thing. Now it is time for us to do the right and just thing for the Earth, the birthplace and cradle of Huemanity – Afraka, our ancestors, ourselves and most of all our children. We have been told that we must: “know the truth-(Maat)-so that the truth- (Maat)-can set us free.”

Though we may not have legions and battalions of visible warriors and troops, armed with the latest arsenal of military technology and weapons of mass destruction, we do have the faith in our Neter-Awe-the All Nature Supreme Mother Father Being, the I Am That I Am, the All In All and our sacred continental homeland, Afraka, our ancestral Wisdom and Guidance, our Present Selves and Elders and the hope of our youth and yet unborn. Dr. John Henrik Clarke taught:

“Africa is our center of gravity, our cultural and spiritual mother and father, our beating heart, no matter where we live on the face of this earth.”

We share with huemanity words of wisdom by two of our departed sages, scholars and orators, Dr. John Henrik Clarke and Dr. Asa G. Hilliard, III:

In the United States, which is a nation composed of immigrants, the Africans have a special and tragic uniqueness. We are the only immigrants who came to America [Caribbean] against our will. We are the only immigrants who came with an invitation. The nature of this invitation, the chains, the filthy ships, the guns, and the vile sailors, who had no respect for our humanity, will not be discussed here. But the invitation was special just the same. When we arrived in America [Caribbean] we had no housing problem, no employment problem. There were plenty of jobs waiting for us, with no pay for nearly 300 years. Our contribution to the economy of the United States, the Caribbean Islands, and the world in general laid the basis for global capitalism in the modern scientific and technical world.”From Dr. Clarke’s Wisdom Teachings from Notes for an African World Revolution: Africans at the Crossroads (p171).

Mental bondage is invisible violence. Formal physical slavery has ended in the United States. Mental slavery continues to this present day. This slavery affects the minds of all people and, in one way, it is worse than physical slavery alone. That is, the person who is in mental bondage will be “self-contained.” Not only will that person fail to challenge beliefs and patterns of thought which control him, he will defend and protect those beliefs and patterns of thought virtually with his last dying effort.”—Dr. Asa Hilliard’s wisdom teachings from African Contributions to World Civilization by Tony Browder

Our Indigenous Afrakan Ancestors were brought to these western shores against their free will and by force to resolve a labor shortage problem of European capitalist nations and businesses. The decision to enslave the Afrakans as a captive labor force was a conscious business decision made by these nations, entities, systems, and individuals. The economic, political, social, health, educational, psychological, and spiritual problems that we the Indigenous Afrakans and other Indigenous Peoples are now experiencing are directly and indirectly related to the decisions made by these nations, entities, systems and individuals when they believed they were solving their immediate problem for a cheap labor source. However, their temporary resolution to that problem of several centuries ago has affected and caused a plethora of problems and injustices that need to be amended and reconciled. The nations, entities, corporations, and institutions that have benefited and are still benefiting need to become a part of the solution and not continue to be part of the problem. We must remember that in mathematics a problem is not resolved until both sides of the equation are equaled and balanced. The scales of justice need to be balanced so that justice is properly administered by those who claim to be “just” & democratic nations of freedom.

A final point for this commentary recommends that we heed the words of an Ancient wise one, the sage Kheti of Afraka-Khamet Nwt em Smai Tawi (NE Afraka/UAR/Egypt) from the book: Selections from The Husia by Dr. Maulana Karenga:

I. “Be skilled in speech so that you will succeed. The tongue of a man is his sword and effective speech is stronger than all fighting. None can overcome the skillful. A wise person is a school for the nobles and those who are aware of his knowledge do not attack him. No evil takes place when he is near. Truth comes to him in its essential form, shaped in the sayings of the ancestors.”

II. “Follow in the footsteps of your ancestors, for the mind is trained through knowledge. Behold, their words endure in books. Open and read them and follow their wise counsel. For one who is taught becomes skilled. Do not be evil for kindness is good. Make the memory of you last through love of you. Multiply the people whom the city shelters, then god will be praised for your donations. And people will … give thanks for your goodness and pray for your health.”—(p.50-53)

In the Name of Our Awe- Mother –Father Neter-Awe-All Nature the Supreme Being of Creation and its administering powers and principalities, and in the Name of Our Most Holy and Sa-Ankhtified Noble and Glorified Ancestors and Ancestoresses, and in the Name of Our Living and Guiding Elders, and In the Name of Our Present Selves, Our Children and Our Yet Unborn, I greet all those who read these words with Maat Mer Hotep Hena Ankh Udja Seneb –Balanced Measure; Truth, Unity, Care & Merging; Peace and Highest Satisfaction; Together with Life Eternal, Strength & Stability, Health & Wellness.

Ra-spectfully in Maat as Truth, Djehuty as Wisdom and Seshait as the Practice of Truth and Wisdom,

I Am Neb Ka Ra Kherishetapheru, Sa Aset-Asar, The Widowers Son,
Aka slave name CARL FERNANDO CHRISTOPHER
Tepi Her Sesh Em Per Ankh Em Smai Tawi Khamet Nwt
Head and Chief Scribe of the House of Life of the United Twin Lands (Smai Tawi) Sovereign Nation State of the Khametu Indigenous Black People Kountry-Afraka-Khamet Nwt

“Free men and women name themselves and their offspring with pride. Enslaved men and women carry their slave masters and slave mistresses identification tag (“name”) in shame though they don’t know it!” —Ancestral Elder C. K. Jochannan, the father of Dr. Yosef Ben Jochannan

Per Ankh Em Smai Tawi can be contacted on the Web at http://perankhu.net/.

Africa: Claim No Easy Victories

The following commentary comes from the web site www.africafocus.orgWe have found AfricaFocus to be a valuable source of analysis of many of the issues that impact upon Afrika and Afrikan people today, from Cairo to Cape Town, from Senegal to Somalia, and across the Afrikan Diaspora.  The analyses, edited by William Minter, are sometimes controversial, but they are always thoroughly sourced and footnoted, and they examine today’s events in the context of Afrika’s historical and sociopolitical realities.  This commentary features William Minter’s reflection on the immortal words of Ancestor Amilcar Cabral, which have been paraphrased so often that they have practically become a mantra of Pan-Afrikan organizing: “Tell no lies … claim no easy victories.”

Africa: Claim No Easy Victories

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AfricaFocus Bulletin: June 19, 2013 (130619) (Reposted from sources cited below)

AfricaFocus Editor’s Note

“Don’t tell lies. Fight lies when they are told. Don’t disguise difficulties, errors, and failures. Do not trust in easy victories nor in appearances. … Practice and defend the truth, always the truth, to militants, leaders, and the people, whatever the difficulties the knowledge of the truth can create.” – Amilcar Cabral, 1965

These words from Amilcar Cabral, more familiar in the shortened version “Tell No Lies, Claim No Easy Victories,” have inspired many not only in Africa but also around the world. More than forty years after Cabral was assassinated and almost fifty years after he wrote these words, his counsel remains highly relevant to all seeking not only to analyze reality but to change it.

The brief essay below was written at the invitation of Firoze Manji and Bill Fletcher Jr. for their forthcoming book, with almost 40 contributors, due to be published later this year. I entitled my reflection “Telling No Lies is Not Easy.”

Coincidentally I am reading the new book by Nate Silver, The Signal and the Noise: Why So Many Predictions Fail – But Some Don’t. Silver is probably best known for his 538 blog in the New York Times ( http://fivethirtyeight.blogs.nytimes.com/) which correctly predicted the electoral votes in the 2012 election [personal aside: my son, whose election blog (http://www.abulsme.com/tag/2012-electoral- college/) also correctly predicted the electoral votes with a similar methodology, gave me the Silver book for father’s day.)

In many respects, of course, Cabral and Silver have little in common. But Silver’s book, which deals with predictions in fields as widely dispersed as baseball, politics, economics, the weather, and climate change, clearly echoes several of Cabral’s central themes. Pay attention to reality, realize it is probably more complex than you think, and, above all, recognize that you may be wrong and be willing to correct course accordingly.

Silver cites a retrospective study of predictions by television pundits, showing that the most popular and self-confident pundits were also the least likely to make correct predictions. Few of us may aspire to be television pundits, but we should all regularly remind ourselves to pay attention to new data and new insights and to think again.

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Telling No Lies is Not Easy: A Reflection on Following Cabral’s Watchwords
by William Minter
Editor, AfricaFocus Bulletin ( http://www.africafocus.org)

[Chapter to be published in the forthcoming book Claim No Easy Victories: The Legacy of Amilcar Cabral, Edited by Firoze Manji and Bill Fletcher Jr. Dakar: CODESRIA/Daraja Press, 2013.  William Minter’s most recent book is No Easy Victories: African Liberation and American Activists over a Half Century, 1950-2000, coedited with Gail Hovey and Charles Cobb, Jr.]

Amilcar Cabral 6Although I was engaged with liberation struggles in Mozambique and Angola from the mid-1960s, I never had the opportunity to meet Amilcar Cabral. Nor have I ever visited the countries for whose freedom he lived and died. But like countless others in Africa and around the world, I have taken inspiration from the clear-minded guidance and analysis he provided while leading the African Party for the Independence of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde (PAIGC).

For me the watchwords from Cabral that have meant the most are the call to “tell no lies, claim no easy victories.” There are many characteristics required for effective participation in struggles for social justice. But one is surely the determination to base one’s actions on an analysis of concrete realties, be honest with ourselves about difficulties we face, and, as Cabral noted in another context, “Always bear in mind that the people are not fighting for ideas, for the things in anyone’s head. They are fighting to win material benefits, to live better and in peace, to see their lives go forward … to preserve the future of their children.” [Guinea-Bissau: Toward Final Victory!: Selected Speeches and Documents from PAIGC  (Richmond, Canada: Liberation Support Movement, 1974), 32. Although appearing in the collection in the same text as “tell no lies,” this is in fact from another document, the Portuguese original of which I have been unable to locate.]

While I have often cited these words, the request for this article prompted me to look a bit deeper into the context and to seek out the Portuguese-language original of the “General Watchwords” for the party from which they were taken. Both the Portuguese and my translation into English are included at the end of this article.  It is clear “tell no lies” was not an isolated slogan, but part of a complex reflection on the need for criticism and self-criticism among members of the movement.

In trying to apply those guidelines today, in a context almost fifty years removed, we must, as Cabral insisted, take concrete realities into account. We  are far from the era of disciplined and apparently unified liberation movements (with both their strengths and weaknesses). While the goal of national political freedom has been attained, the broader goals for which Cabral fought are far from achieved, not least in Guinea-Bissau, which was the terrain of his party’s armed struggle.

With globalized communications, his further admonitions, such as “Do not hide anything from the masses of the people” and “Practice and defend the truth, always the truth, to militants, leaders, and the people, whatever the difficulties the knowledge of the truth can create” are just as hard to implement as in his time, and perhaps even more so. While PAIGC militants may have been able to address “the people” in gatherings in the bush, the constituencies for today’s social justice movements are almost always dispersed and diverse enough that they can hardly be gathered in one place. Messages through multiple technologies to “militants” and “the people” are inevitably seen,  heard, and interpreted or misinterpreted by multiple other audiences as well.

That said, I am convinced that the fundamental principles of Cabral’s guidance on criticism and self-criticism still apply. And these watchwords fit within the broader context of his determination to base strategy and action on sober analysis of realities. [See also “Start out from the reality of our land – to be realists,” in Amilcar Cabral, Unity and Struggle (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1979) 44-63).] It is an eminently “scientific” approach, where theory is used not as a lazy substitute for empirical investigation but as a guide to it. It is an approach which recognized that the same formula could not be applied to situations as different as GuineaBissau and Cape Verde, or even to different regions within Guinea-Bissau.

It is also one in which fighting against an “enemy” never obscured the recognition that enemy forces were composed of human beings, many of whom might become friends under other circumstances. In this, Cabral shared the conviction of leaders such as Eduardo Mondlane and Samora Machel of Mozambique, that distinguishing friends and enemies on the basis of race, nationality, institutional affiliation, or other generic characteristics was a fundamental mistake. And that assuming individuals and political structures could not change was a recipe for failure in the struggle. “Know well our own strength and the enemy strength” was also a mandate to know how to win new allies, including among the enemy forces themselves.

This short essay can hardly be adequate for an extensive discussion of the application of Cabral’s principles to specific situations facing us today. But it would be incomplete without at least some mention of areas in which, in my opinion, progressive forces have been particularly weak in recent years, evading Cabral’s imperatives to investigate concrete realities and to speak the truth.

Let me very briefly address two areas, as examples. One concerns the international debates about political conflicts in Africa, including recent or forthcoming military interventions. The second is the sensitive issue of whether progressive as well as mainstream nongovernmental organizations are willing to live up to Cabral’s directives about truth-telling; or, in other words, to practice for themselves the accountability and transparency they freely demand of African and Western governments.

Every internal conflict on the continent features different narratives from parties to the conflict, which are taken up and propagated by international allies. It would be presumptuous for anyone to assume that there is one easy “truth” in the conflicts in Zimbabwe, Libya, or Mali – to cite only a few prominent examples. The only country of the three I know enough about and have enough personal trusted contacts in to write about at any length is Zimbabwe (see, for example, my 2010 article with Briggs Bomba: http://www.africafocus.org/docs10/zim1004.php). But in reposting material from other sources in AfricaFocus Bulletin, and providing brief introductory editor’s notes, I have to distinguish between analyses I regard as worth reading and those which are so dubious they should rank as “lies”, or at least, using a term also cited by Cabral, as based on superficial “appearances.” [You can see what I decided I thought worth reading, among sources available to me, at http://www.africafocus.org/country/countries.php, and clicking on the relevant country name for the AfricaFocus Bulletins on the country.]

Perhaps I am remiss in not naming names falling among the latter. But they include those who, decades after ZANU-PF ceased to be a liberation movement to become the enforcer of a new repressive and oligarchical system, insist on supporting the incumbent regime in Zimbabwe simply because its critics include Western governments. It includes those who see developments in Libya as primarily the outcome of a Western plot and disregard the agency of Libyans themselves in his overthrow of Qaddafi, or dismiss his opponents as Western dupes. And it includes those who think there is any easy answer to the current question of whether to intervene and who should intervene against the Islamic extremists who have devastated Northern Mali.

Rejecting such interpretations as “lies”, or based on “appearances”, does not imply that there are not also real questions about the motives and strategies of other opposing forces, both internal and international. It is not a blanket endorsement of those who now oppose ZANU-PF or the Islamists in Northern Mali, or those who contributed to the overthrow of the Qaddafi regime. It is simply to say that in none of these situations, or in other conflicts on the continent, is simply opposing what the United States does or what the West does a substitute for analysis of the concrete realities of each country, its surrounding region, and changing international power balances.  Progressives may and will reach different conclusions about the best course of action after making such analyses. But the ideological shortcut of making judgments based on “ideas in people’s heads” rather than analysis of complex realities, is clearly one that Amilcar Cabral would have rejected.

Finally, a few incomplete and admittedly inadequate words about non-governmental organizations and the pressures that work against transparency and accountability to broader constituencies. A high proportion of such groups, both mainstream and progressive, are governed by selfperpetuating boards of directors. For funding they depend either on a small number of large institutional donors (foundations or indirect government support) or fundraising appeals to a large number of individual donors, most of whom have no role apart from sending in their donations. In most cases, membership dues from a engaged and active membership are only a small proportion of income at best, and the role of such stakeholders in governance is most often token at best and commonly none at all. The boards of directors therefore may have little sense of accountability to their activist supporters or feel any real obligation to keep them informed.

It would be a mistake to interpret accountability and transparency as a dogmatic mandate to never have private internal discussions or to “tell everything”, regardless of the consequences. Despite his call below to tell the truth, regardless of the difficulties it may cause, Cabral was well aware of the need for discretion in public discussion of sensitive issues, such as the difficulties his party faced from host countries such as Senegal and Guinea (Conakry), or the support the struggle received from Cuba. Nevertheless, I think many nongovernmental organizations, including progressive ones, most often err on the side of secrecy in speaking with their supporters about difficulties faced.

For much of the history of the organizations with which I have been most involved over my time as an activist, most notably the predecessor organizations of Africa Action (Africa Fund, American Committee on Africa, Washington Office on Africa, and the Africa Policy Information Center), this structural flaw was balanced by the fact that foundation income was minimal and government income non-existent. The bulk of individual donations, both large and small, came from engaged activists who expected and received accountability from those governing the organizations, including regular reports on program and financial status.

Yet all progressive activists are well aware of crises in multiple organizations run by progressive people whose good intentions we respect, in which the constituencies who have helped build the organization are kept in the dark about current developments reflecting weaknesses. It would not be appropriate to go into details, so as not to violate Cabral’s companion insistence in the text below that criticism should not edge over into “intrigues.” But it is surely no secret to anyone concerned, for example, that those who contributed their writing skills to Pambazuka News over more than a decade have had no report from the governing board of Fahamu on the crisis which led to the resignation of the founding editor.

Most painful to many of us involved in Africa solidarity work in the United States has been the prolonged crisis at Africa Action. In August 2010 staff unexpectedly failed to receive their salaries. It was subsequently discovered that a reserved endowment had been fully drained, in part by fraud by an office manager and in part by use of endowment funds for operating expenses. Since then, the organization’s board has managed to keep a shell of the organization in existence. Yet more than two years later there has still been no coherent accounting to the organization’s constituency of what happened nor a strategy for the future which could address the crisis of confidence among former staff, board, and supporters of the organization. Despite the good intentions of the board members, it is likely that the failure to follow Cabral’s advice by confronting hard realities and “telling the truth” will have done as much or more damage to the organization as did the original financial crisis.

I am well aware that these brief remarks fall far short of any “full truth” or even a comprehensive analysis of any of the issues raised. But hopefully they may serve at least as a call to follow Cabral’s example in analyzing concrete realities more deeply rather than relying on appearances, and in using criticism constructively to learn from our own and other’s mistakes.

William Minter, Editor, AfricaFocus


Excerpts from Chapter VIII, “Apply Party Principles in Practice,” in General Watchwords, November 1965.

Portuguese original is in “Palavras de Ordem Gerais,” in P.A.I.G.C.: unidade e luta / Amilcar Cabral (Lisbon: Nova Aurora, 1974), 9-66.

English translation below by William Minter

[Alternate English translation of full text of “General Watchwords” is available in Amilcar Cabral, Unity and Struggle (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1979), pages 246-249.]

1. Develop the spirit of criticism among activists and officials.

Give everyone at each level, the opportunity to criticize, give their opinion about the work and the behavior or actions of others. Accept criticism, wherever it comes from, as a contribution to improving the work of the Party, as an expression of active interest in the internal life of our organization. Remember always that to criticize is not to speak ill or engage in intrigues. Criticism is and must be the act of expressing one’s frank opinion openly, in front of those concerned, based on the facts and in the spirit of justice, in order to evaluate the thought and action of others, with the aim of improving that thought and action. Criticism is to build, to help build, to show genuine interest in the work of others and the improvement of that work.

Combat severely evil tongues, intrigues, ‘so-and-so says,’ unfair and unfounded criticism. To evaluate the thought and action of a comrade does not necessarily mean to speak ill of them. To speak highly, praise, encourage, or stimulate is also part of a critique. Always be vigilant against personal vanity and pride, but don’t stint on praise for those who deserve it. Offer praise gladly and frankly to all those whose thought and action serves well the progress of the party. …

Learn from the mistakes we make or that others make, to avoid making new mistakes, to not fall into the traps that others have fallen in. Criticizing someone does not mean setting yourself against them or victimizing them. It is showing that we are all interested in their work, that we are part of one corporate body, that one person’s mistakes affect us all, and that we are vigilant, as friends and comrades, to help them overcome their shortcomings and increasingly contribute to the improvement of the Party.

But critique (proof of the willingness of others to help us or our willingness to help others) should be supplemented by self-criticism (proof of our own willingness to help ourselves improve our thinking and our action).

Develop in all militants, leaders, and combatants, the spirit of self-criticism: the ability of each to make a concrete analysis of their own work, to distinguish good from bad, to recognize their own mistakes and to discover the causes and consequences of these errors. Making a self-criticism is not just to say “yes, I admit my fault, my mistake, and I apologize,” while getting ready to commit new faults and new errors. It is not to pretend to repent, while still being convinced that the other person just doesn’t understand. Nor should self-criticism be performed as a ritual, while continuing to make mistakes.

Self-criticism is not doing penance. It is an act of honesty, courage, camaraderie, and awareness of our responsibilities, a proof of our willingness to do our duty and do it well, a manifestation of our determination to be better every day and give our best contribution to the advancement of our Party. An honest self-criticism does not require absolution: it is a commitment we make to our conscience not to commit more errors, to accept our responsibilities to others, and to mobilize all our capabilities to do more and better. Self-criticism is to rebuild oneself to better serve.

4. Practice revolutionary democracy in all aspects of the life of the party.

Everyone responsible for leadership must assume their responsibilities with courage, should demand the respect of others for their activity, and should respect the work of others. Do not hide anything from the masses of the people. Don’t tell lies. Fight lies when they are told. Don’t disguise difficulties, errors, and failures. Do not trust in easy victories nor in appearances.

Revolutionary democracy demands that we fight opportunism and not tolerate errors, baseless excuses, friendships and camaraderie based on interests contrary to the interests of the Party and the people, or the conviction that any leader is irreplaceable.

Practice and defend the truth, always the truth, to militants, leaders, and the people, whatever the difficulties the knowledge of the truth can create.


Portuguese original:

1. Desenvolver o espirito da crítica entre os militantes e responsáveis.

Dar a todos, em cada nivel, a oportunidade de críticar, de dar a sua opinião sobre o trabalho e o comportamento ou a acção dos outros. Aceitar a crítica, donde quer qua ela venha, como uma contribuição para melhorar o trabalho do Partido, como uma manifestação de interesse active pela vida interna da nossa organização. Lembrar-se sempre que críticar não é dizer mal nem fazer intrigas. Críticar é e deve ser o acto de exprimir uma. opinião franca, aberta, diante dos interessados, com base nos factos e com espírito de justiça, para apreciar o pensamento e a acção dos outros, com o objectivo de melhorar esse pensamento e essa acção. Críticar é construir, ajudar a construir, fazer prova de interesse sincero pelo trabalho dos outros, pela melhoria desse trabalho.

Combater severamente a má lingua, a mania das intrigas, o ‘diz-que-diz,’ as críticas injustas e sem fundamento. Apreciar o pensamento e a acção dum camarada não é necessariamente dizer mal. Dizer bem, elogiar, encorajar, estimuar—também é críticar. Sempre vigilantes contra as vaidades e orgulhos pessoais, devemos no entanto poupar elogios a quem os merece. Elogiar com alegria, com franqueza. diante dos outros, todo aquele cujo pensamento e acção servem bem o progresso do Partido. Devemos igualmente aplicar uma crítica justa, denunciar francamente, censurar, condenar e exigir a condenação de todos aqueles que praticam actos contrários ao progresso e aos interesses do Partido; combater cara a cara os erros e faltas, ajudar os outros a melhorar o seu trabalho. Tirar lição de cada erro que cometemos ou que os outros cometem, para evitar cometer novos erros, para cairmos nas asneiras em que os outros cairam. críticar um camarada não quer dizer pôr-se contra o camarada, fazer um sacrificio em que o camarada é a vïtima: é mostrar-lhe que estamos todos interessados no seu trabalho, que somos um e um só corpo, que os erros dele prejudicam a nós todos, e que estamos vigilantes, como amigos e camaradas, para ajudé-lo a vencer as suas deficiências e a contribuir cada vez mais para que o Partido seja cada vez melhor. …

Mas a crítica (prova da vontade dos outros de nos ajudar ou da nossa vontade de ajudar os outros) deve ser completada pela autocrítica (prova da. nossa própria vontade de nos ajudarmos a nós mesmos a melhorar o nosso pensamento e a nossa acção).

Desenvolver em todos os militantes, responséveis e combatentes, o espirito da autocrítica: a. capacidade de cada um fazer uma análise concreta do seu pr6prio trabalho, de distinguir nele o que está bem do que está mal, de reconhecer os seus próprios erros e de descobrir as causas e as consequências desses erros. Fazer uma autocrítica. néo é apenas dizer sim, reconheço a minha falta, o meu erro—e peço perdão, ficando logo pronto para cometer novas faltas, novos erros. Não é fingir-se arrependido do mal que fez, e ficar, no fundo, convencido de que os outros é que n~ao o compreendem. Nem tão-pouco fazer autocrítica e fazer uma cerimónia para depois poder ficar com a. consciéncia tranquila e continuar a cometer erros.

Autocríticar-se não é pagar um responso ou uma bula nem é fazer penitência. A autocrítica é um acto de franqueza, de coragem, de camaradagem e de consciência das nossas responsabilidades, uma. prova. da nossa vontade de cumprir e de cumprir bem, uma manifestação da nossa. determinação de ser cada dia melhor e dar uma. melhor contribuição para o progresso do nosso Partido. Uma autocrítica sincera não exige necessariamente uma absolvição: é um compromisso que fazemos com a nossa consciência. para não cometermos mais erros; é fazer aceitar as nossas responsabilidades diante dos outros e mobilizar todas as nossas capacidades para. fazer mais e melhor. Autocríticar-se é reconstruir-se a si mesmo, para melhor servir.

4. Praticar, em todos os aspectos da vida do Partido, a democracia revolucionária.

Cada responsável deve assumir com coragem as suas responsabilidades, deve exigir dos outros o respeito pela sua actividade e deve respeitar a actividade dos outros. Não esconder nada às massas populares, não mentir, combater a mentira, não disfarçar as dificuldades, os erros e insucessos, não acreditar em vitárias fáceis, nem nas aparêcias.

A democracia revolucionária exige que devemos combater o oportunismo, a. tolerância diante dos erros, as desculpas sem fundamento, as amizades e a camaradagem com base em interesses contrários aos do Partido e do povo, a mania de que um ou outro responszivel é insubstituivel no seu posto.

Praticar e defender a verdade, sempre a verdade, diante dos militantes, dos responséveis, do povo, sejam quais forem as dificuldades que o conhecimento da verdade possa criar.
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Out of the Frying Pan … Into the Skillet?

Frying Pan Into SkilletWe must not respond to the duplicity of “liberals” by aligning with the intolerance and exploitation of “conservatives”

NNPA columnist Raynard Jackson (Black Leaders have Sold Out, Atlanta Daily World, April 25, 2013) has put forth an old argument that uses the furor over immigration reform (with a nod to the gay marriage debate thrown in for good measure) to argue for people of Afrikan descent to take their support away from the “liberal” Democratic Party and its anointed Black leaders and throw it behind the “conservative” Republican Party.  While I agree with Mr. Jackson that we should not mindlessly follow Democratic Party ideology and every media-sponsored, corporate-influenced “leader” hook-line-and-sinker, to then propose a solution of allegiance to the Republican Party is completely nonsensical and would amount to the cultural (and some would say actual) suicide of Afrikan people.

Mr. Jackson bemoans the lack of inclusion of the Afrikan Descendant (he says “Black”) community in the gay marriage and immigration debates, noting that the “liberal” organizations such as the NAACP, Urban League and Congressional Black Caucus expend so much energy supporting “homosexual marriage and amnesty for illegals” while we receive no support from the immigration and gay lobbies for our issues, citing the Trayvon Martin case as an example.  Specifically with regard to immigration, he cites the unemployment rate among people of Afrikan descent and notes that “Blacks will be hurt the most by giving amnesty to these 11 million illegals and yet there has not been one town hall meeting with the Black community to discuss how this issue will negatively impact the Black community’s high unemployment rate.”

He specifically makes reference to polls that suggest that, contrary to the beliefs of many, the US population in general, and the Black population in particular, is opposed to both gay marriage and “amnesty for illegals”.  He blames Ben Jealous of the NAACP, Marc Morial of the Urban League, MSNBC commentator Rev. Al Sharpton and Ohio Representative and Chair of the Congressional Black Caucus Marcia Fudge in particular for attempting to hijack the interests of the Black community to curry favor with the Democratic Party and the Obama Administration.

Then he lets the other shoe drop as he hints at his solution: the Republican Party, which has fought against “the illegals” (and the homosexuals) for decades.  Apparently, Mr. Jackson believes that the occasional conflicts between Latinos and Afrikan-Americans, and the moral opposition of many in our community to homosexuality indicates that we should all become Republicans.  Perhaps we should go Tea-Partying with the right-wingers and join in on some occasional Stars-and-Bars romanticizing about the Good Ol’ Days of the Confederacy for good measure.

This entire join-the-GOP argument has been proposed a number of times before, by Black commentators working for White newspapers and a surprising number of Black papers as well.  It’s a classic case of Black intellectuals proposing, over and over again, the same shockingly simplistic and counter-intuitive analysis in an effort to sound “forward-thinking”, or at least smarter than the rest of us.  Because the Democratic “liberals” ignore us and take us for granted, we should turn to the Republican “conservatives”.  In their apparent zeal to literally save us all from ourselves, our conservative Black intellectuals careen right past what should be obvious on a breakneck course into the arms of our historic oppressors, who want nothing more than to relegate us all back to a modern-day plantation.

First, let’s deal with this whole concept of “illegals”.  The largely-Mexican immigrants who are so often derided by flag-waving Americans are the descendants of the people of Old Mexico, which, by the way, included not just present-day Mexico, but also Texas, New Mexico (ever wonder where that name came from?), Arizona, California, and even parts of Nevada and, I believe, Colorado.  These territories were all systematically seized (some would say stolen) from Mexico by the US through the instigation of hostilities (“Remember the Alamo!”) and then the annexation of land as part of the Treaty of Guadeloupe Hidalgo, all in service to the US doctrine of Manifest Destiny.  Thus, the frequent refrain from many Mexican and Central and South American immigrants today: “We didn’t cross the border.  The border crossed us.”

(If we want to blame someone for our high unemployment numbers, maybe we shouldn’t take in the politics of misdirection by attacking another group of exploited and oppressed people in some silly fight over the crumbs left over by the “One Percent”.  Perhaps a more suitable target would be those officials who railroaded our once-public institutions such as schools, libraries, recreation centers and adult education centers into either privatization or outright economic oblivion so their buddies could profit from building more prisons.  Perhaps we should look at those politicians who have presided over what may be the largest upward transfer of wealth in the history of the United States.  Perhaps we should point the finger at the opponents of a living wage, trade unions, comprehensive jobs programs or even enforcement of current anti-discrimination laws.  Who might those people be?)

Next, let’s look at who our Black conservative would-be saviors would have us join forces with.  The Republicans?  Are you kidding me?  Because the Democrats take us for granted and ignore us, we should leave them and run to those who beat us every day?  Racial profiling, political imprisonment, the death penalty, the de-funding of schools, opposition to affirmative action, opposition to a living wage, upward redistribution of wealth, the increased criminalization of our youth, privatization of prisons, deregulation of the same banksters who plunged the US into a mini-Depression, support of the worst corporate polluters on the planet as they pursue dirtier and dirtier methods of resource extraction, the Monsanto-ization of our food supply, voter intimidation, the support of corporate murderers and thieves who pillage Afrika and South America on the regular while they overthrow and sometimes assassinate heads of state, the doctrine of perpetual war to maintain the US’s status as the biggest bully on the block – while both political parties are guilty of most of these sins, the Republicans commit these crimes “in spades” (Pardon the politically-incorrect pun).  They are still light years ahead of the Democrats in their baldface attempts to impose a global military-police state upon everyone else, especially our ancestral home, Afrika.  The simplistic and insulting tactics of ideological deception, acrimony and fear employed by so many conservatives, especially Black conservatives, should turn the stomach of any self-respecting Afrikan.

Finally, in this mad dash from the so-called “liberal left” to the so-called “conservative” right, who are our corporate-influenced intellectual pundits ignoring?  First of all, I don’t expect them to talk about the Greens, who are seen as more “liberal” than the “liberals” for whom they have such disdain.  The Greens are more passionate about gay rights and a path to citizenship for the “illegals” than the Democrats are, so it’s no surprise to me that they are not mentioned as an option.  Plus, the Greens tend to be fiercely pro-environment and anti-war, again not in line with the so-called “conservative” agenda.  And the Libertarians, from my personal experience, appear to be basically Republicans “in disguise” (much like Ancestor Malcolm X said about Dixiecrats and Democrats back in the ‘60s).

But there are others in the political arena whom the conservative Black intellectuals refuse to discuss.  I know many of us suffer allergic reactions to Socialist arguments, but how many of us really understand what Socialism is?  I’d bet very few, if any of us.  Why?  Because we are conditioned from early childhood to fear Socialism as a synonym for Communism (which we also don’t understand for the most part).  Thus, Americans supported the war crime the US committed on September 11, 1973 when it overthrew and assassinated Chile’s president, Salvador Allende, because the US wanted Chile’s copper and other resources and Allende was standing in the way.  This atrocity, which plunged Chile into a 17-plus-year reign of terror and gave rise to one of the most despicable dictators in world history (Augusto Pinochet) was justified, however, because Allende was a Socialist.  Similar arguments were made for the multiple attempts to overthrow Hugo Chavez of Venezuela and Evo Morales of Bolivia, much as they were used to justify the assassination of Congo’s Patrice Lumumba in the 1960s and the support of the racist apartheid regime in South Africa (Yes, we celebrate Nelson Mandela now, but America vilified him while he was imprisoned for 27 years).  The lies that led to the genocide of the Vietnam War were easily swallowed by loyal Americans because of the fear of Communism that we were all brought up with.  Thus, any organization that promotes an ideology based on Socialism in any form, such as the All-Afrikan People’s Revolutionary Party (A-APRP) or the International People’s Democratic Uhuru Movement (InPDUM), must be condemned and dismissed without so much as a second thought, and certainly without any real analysis or discussion that would give us the chance to see that these, after all, are human beings too.  (And I am not a member of either organization, not that it should matter here.)

But, if we are so afraid of the “hard-left” Socialism and Communism, that doesn’t mean that we must rush to embrace the harder-right Capitalism that the Republican Party would have us endure.  First of all, there are hybrids of these systems that have been used successfully in countries in Latin America, Central America and Europe (and, in fact, to a very limited and inadequate degree here in the United States).  Better yet, we can develop our own system based upon the best of ancient Afrikan communitarian culture.  The problem with these options, though, is that in order to adopt and practice these ways of living, we actually would have to study and learn something.  And we don’t have time for all that, do we?  After all, the playoff game is on TV, or we must keep up with the Khardashians, and we all have to go update our status on Facebook.  And anyway, after we do our study, we would then have to do some real work.  We would have to organize our people ourselves instead of waiting for the Great White Father to do it for us.  We would have to hold public Town Hall Meetings based on our Afrikan culture and identity, where members of our community would actually come together at the grassroots level and develop our own set of “national” priorities, first at the local or state level, then at the national level, and finally at the global Diaspora level, to craft a comprehensive Pan-Afrikan Agenda that might answer the centuries of abuse, mis-education, exploitation and oppression that Afrikan people have been forced to endure, once and for all.  And even though there is already an organization that has done much of the initial heavy lifting to get exactly this type of process started (the Sixth Region Diaspora Caucus, http://www.srdcinternational,org), we still don’t have time to get involved in such silly pursuits because we have to get busy showing everyone just how patriotic we are to a nation that built itself on the enslavement of our ancestors, clearly a much more worthy expenditure of our time and energy, no?

I remember a time when Rev. Jesse Jackson actually made me proud of him.  He, conservative economist Ron Woodson and the late lawyer Johnnie Cochran were guests on Meet the Press just before the Million Man March.  The late Tim Russert, the then-host, asked the three men: “Is the Million Man March about separatism or about inclusion?”  First, Mr. Cochran, the skilled lawyer who should have seen the flim-flam coming, answered hopefully.  “I think it’s about inclusion, Tim,” he said, and he went on to explain about the principle of Black men coming together to not only embrace each other but also to apologize and atone for their misdeeds and to resolve to be better men and better citizens.  Mr. Woodson replied in classic conservative-Black-intellectual style: “Tim, I’m sorry to say it’s about separatism,” he sighed, and spoke about the Black-only, male-only theme of the March in a voice tinged with regret.  Rev. Jackson was the only one who saw through the trap.  “I cannot answer that question, Tim, because you have presented a false dichotomy,” he replied assertively.  Rev. Jackson had seen that the question was designed to manipulate us into choosing between “A” and “B”, when the alphabet actually gives us 26 letters (in some countries more) for us to choose from, and the truth was that the Million Man March was about neither of those things.

I see that our conservative Black intellectuals are still using that same tactic today.  What that tells me is this: They aren’t really interested in freeing us from Democratic Party or “liberal” control; what they want is to place us under “conservative” Republican control.  Which, frankly, isn’t all that different.

Yes, it’s time for us to look somewhere other than at the media-supported, government-approved leaders for Afrikan people.  Yes, we are often sold out by many of them (but not all: witness Cynthia McKinney) because we don’t realize who they really work for (and it usually ain’t us).  But trading a “Black leader” who parrots the Democratic Party line for one who parrots the Republican Party line amounts to nothing more than jumping out of the frying pan into the skillet.  Come on, Black People.  Our ancestors created the first great civilization, our moral code of Ma’at carried the seeds of the Ten Commandments before there were Ten Commandments, and our resilience as a people has kept us here on this planet despite perhaps the most persistent global genocide ever committed over at least the last half-millennium.  Stop resorting to the easy, mindless pseudo-intellectual pablum that is fed to us regularly by the flag-waving, corporate-influenced right wing of the US (which now includes many of the Democrats anyway) and the western world.  Drop your collective Bwana Complex and start organizing, mobilizing and ruling yourselves as Afrikan People.

Divide And Conquer

We Are Allowing Our Oppressors To Keep Us Apart

So many identities.  So many nations.  So many names.  So many perspectives.

We are Afrikans (with a “k” or a “c”).   African-Americans.  Blacks.  Negroes.  “Coloreds”. Moors. Nubians.  Nuwaubians. Kosmosans. Egyptians. Kemites. Ma’atians.  Afro-Asiatics. Rastafari.

We are Muslims.  Christians.  Hebrews.  Yoruba.  Santeria.  Wolof.  Dogon.  Vodou.  Mdw Ntr.

We are Republicans. Democrats. Greens. Independents.  Socialists.  Communists.  Anarchists, even.

We are NAACP.  Urban League.  Alpha.  Kappa.  Sigma.  “Q-Dog”.  Delta.  Zeta.  AKA.  Sig-Rho.  Iota.

We are OAAU.  SCLC.  SNCC.  NOI.  BPP.  N-BPP.  WADU, PADU and GADU.  A-APRP.  Kawaida.  GAC.  PAOC.

We are doctors.  Lawyers.  Entrepreneurs.  Farmers.  Community activists.  Engineers.  Warriors.  Philosophers.  Priests.  Politicians.  Activists.  And even slackers.Afrika Map Physical Warp 3

We are liberals.  Conservatives.  Pan-Afrikanists.  Black nationalists.  Cultural nationalists.  Revolutionaries.

We are also confused.  The whole lot of us.

It often seems that we spend more time talking “at” each other than we do talking “with” each other.  All the while insisting that Afrikan Unity (or some form of it) is important to us.

The source of that unity must be the realization that, despite the small differences that have been manufactured (from the initial migrations that Dr. Chancellor Williams described so well in The Destruction of Black Civilization to the present time) to keep us apart, we share things that are much more important that should be bringing us together:

We are all separated from our ancestral home.

Even those of us still living in Afrika are separated from the most productive farmland, the minerals under the ground that are the source of the continent’s great wealth, and the life-giving waters of the Nile, the Congo, the Niger and other great rivers and lakes.

We are not recognized as a people on the World Stage.

Those of us on the Continent are often “ruled” by the heirs of neocolonialism who marginalize the masses for the benefit of their Western paymasters, and those of us in the Diaspora have no seat in the United Nations at all.

We are turned against each other.

Xosa vs. Zulu in South Afrika.  Hutu vs. Tutsi in Rwanda and Burundi and Congo.  “Arab” vs. “Afrikan” (a truly contrived conflict if ever there was one) in Sudan.  Christian vs. Muslim vs. Hebrew vs. “Pagan” everywhere (where the hell did we, who are treated as ”foreigners”/”pagans” around the world, get that concept?), especially since the current practiced forms of the major religions are not indigenous to Afrika even though their seeds were all grown there.  In the US, it’s Crip vs. Blood, Panther vs. Kawaida/United Slaves, North Side vs. South Side, even East Baltimore vs. West Baltimore (the major US city closest to me).  Internationally, it’s Afrikan vs. Afro-Caribbean vs. Afro-American in some kind of mad internecine free-for-all as we race to the bottom of the human food chain.

And all the while, the oppressors laugh as they plunder our land in Afrika and our bodies and minds elsewhere in the Diaspora.

In the Baltimore (“Harriet Tubman City”) area, there are many activists and organizations who do work that is praiseworthy.  I applaud Bro. Carlos Muhammad for his effort several years ago to bring the community together through the Luv4Self Network.  I applaud Bro. Manifest for his ongoing work with Richmond, Virginia’s Happily Natural Day.  I certainly owe a debt of gratitude to Baba Dalani Aamon for founding the Harambee Radio Network (broadcasting around the world over the Internet at www.harambeeradio.com), which gave me more than an hour every Sunday afternoon for six years to share information when I couldn’t afford to print the Newsletter.  Baba Keidi Obi Awadu has done a similar great deed with the establishment of Harambee’s “sista” Internet station, LIB (Living In Black) Radio.  Major shout-outs go to Bro. Anpu (Ruffmic) and Bro. Heru (Freedomwriter) of Precise Science for bringing the Pan-Afrikan cultural and moral vibe to music.  People like Bro. Imhotep Fatiu (Pan-Afrikan Liberation Movement and Urban Youth Initiative Project), Bro. Jabari and Bro. Sundiata (Reality Speaks/Solvivaz Nation), Sista Ertha Harris (Millions More Movement-Baltimore) and Baba Ade Oba Tokunbo (OAAU-BPC) are others right here in Maryland with whom I am personally familiar who do great work in an attempt to organize us around critical issues of the day.  And there are others.  Still, not enough of these organizations and leaders talk to each other.  Some do, but some remain separated from each other because of differences in spirituality, political focus, issues of self-identity, personal conflicts, or simply because of the perception that the barriers that separate us are insurmountable.  This must be true, for if they did not believe so, these barriers would have been overcome and destroyed long ago, and for all time.

That much is clear from the chronic miscommunication between groups, the lack of cooperative organizing with many of our important causes and campaigns, the lack of support I see for many important organizing efforts, and the occasional sniping I’m forced to endure between people who should be fighting for, and not with, each other.

I don’t wish to get into a debate over which spiritual, political or philosophical perspective of all the ones I mentioned above (and countless others I didn’t) is the best, or the correct one.  What we need to do is bring those perspectives together, so we may all learn from each other and ultimately see, through each other’s examples, the most effective path(s) that we need to follow.

The ultimate purpose of this particular commentary is to offer one solution, which is to continue the call I’ve been putting out for the last several years: to bring Afrikan people together, city by city, state by state, country by country (but starting, for me, in my home state, Maryland), in a series of Pan-Afrikan Town Halls.

I’m currently the Maryland State Facilitator of an Afrikan-Diasporan organization called the Sixth Region Diaspora Caucus (SRDC), which was formally developed in 2006 to organize Afrikan people on a city, state, country, regional and ultimately Diaspora-wide basis to seek representation at the table in the Civil Society committee (Economic, Social and Cultural Council, or ECOSOCC) in the African Union (AU).

Before people start jumping up and getting hysterical about the shortcomings of the AU, let me state that I see a much larger mission here.  SRDC’s purpose is to seek entry into the AU for the Diaspora as a voice of influence to move Afrika in a more positive direction for her people and the Afrikan Diaspora.  But at the same time, what we will achieve is the restoring of positive, constructive communication and cooperation between Afrikan people throughout the Diaspora and on the Afrikan Continent.

How do we do that if we can’t even get along within the same city or country or discussion group, I hear you ask?  Well, that’s the first and, apparently, the most difficult step.  It’s certainly the most important step, as all other steps build on this.

Every member of the Pan-Afrikan community who is reading these words must become involved in some way in bringing us all together, not to put a stop to our debates, but to make our debates a bit less important than our cooperative plans to achieve our global unity and liberation.

To Bro. Carlos: I hope to put something together with you, based on your networking from the Luv4Self Network, and combine those efforts with those of other Maryland-area groups, from individual organizations to the coalition that puts together the successful Kwanzaa event in Baltimore every winter, so we can continue to chart the course which you and others have helped put us on and strengthen the organization in Maryland, where I live and serve as the Facilitator.  I and the other SRDC Facilitators would also like to be able to formally present the SRDC plan for the states in the US where we are not already established, establish a Community Council of Elders , and at least propose to the people in those states that we nominate and elect the next slate of Representatives and Observers who would pursue a Pan-Afrikan Agenda, through SRDC, with other similar groups that already exist across the United States (California, Washington State, Ohio, New York, South Carolina, Oregon, Maryland and Tennessee) and throughout the Diaspora (Nicaragua, Martinique-Guadeloupe, Canada, Jamaica, the Netherlands, Germany, and others).  This call has been made, by myself and other SRDC members in the areas listed above, to not only continue the efforts at strengthening Pan-Afrikan unity in their states, but to plant the seed in neighboring states and areas of the Diaspora as well.

To be able to achieve true unity across communities of Afrikan descent in the US and the Diaspora, we must organize in at least a “critical mass” of local communities across the US and throughout the Afrikan Diaspora.  Because SRDC was founded in the United States, our initial aim is to do this in all 50 states and the District of Columbia, to show Afrikan people throughout the Diaspora that those of us in the United States are indeed capable of coming together as one, despite the way we often behave which has led others to compare us to “crabs in a barrel”.

There have been some who have expressed misgivings, or at least uncertainty, about what it would mean to participate in SRDC’s effort.  Some of these misgivings are from misconceptions that are understandable, and some are expressions of personal exhaustion from having fought as long as some of us have, but others are simply due to some irrational fear of the loss of personal influence or from inertia and old habits, while still others are because of personal beefs and petty bickering that have no place in efforts to forge Pan-Afrikan unity.

Let me address some of the misconceptions first.  Your organization will not “lose itself” by aligning with SRDC.  It is a coalition of a variety of organizations that have come together to achieve a common goal: the establishment of a Diasporan voice in the African Union and the forging of global Pan-Afrikan unity.  People don’t have to individually become “members” of SRDC, and the different groups don’t have to take some loyalty oath to it (there have been some who apparently think that they must subordinate their own organizations to comply with SRDC’s goals), but we do need the input of the Pan-Afrikan community to examine and discuss the SRDC plan and to choose Representatives, Observers and a Council of Elders (either through Afrikan Consensus or democratic elections) if we are to say that any state truly has Representatives that can speak for Afrikan people of that state, and by extension, if we are to say that Afrikans in the US and Afrikans in the Diaspora truly have representative leadership.

To those Veterans who are simply exhausted, I can understand.  Many of you have been involved in this much longer than I have—I am but a pup in this dogfight—and sometimes even my own energy level sinks dangerously low.  Activists and organizers who have struggled with no help or support year upon year, or Political Prisoners who have languished in confinement for decades before finally being freed (or not freed) have earned either some time off or outright retirement from the struggle.  They have been doing already, and for quite some time.  They have seen marriages and relationships destroyed because of the pressure of this struggle, they have lost friends and comrades to this struggle, they have seen their health decline because of this struggle, and they have received little thanks.  We do need their guidance and, at times, their admonishments when we go astray.  But the heavy lifting is up to those of us who follow.  We cannot drop the load now.

As far as the inertia, old habits, personal beefs and petty bickering are concerned, it’s time to stop it.  Barack Obama or no Barack Obama, we remain in a struggle for survival across the globe, and time is running out for us.  We cannot afford to allow this state of disunity to continue any longer.  Those who oppose this effort to bring us together in some form of Pan-Afrikan unity have apparently aligned themselves with those who have opposed other similar efforts throughout our history, and they owe our scattered and suffering masses an explanation and a heartfelt apology for their obstructionist behavior.

Healthy debate is fine, but I’ve seen too much back-biting between activist organizations and within a number of discussion groups that were created to pursue Pan-Afrikanism and Black Unity.  And this goes beyond just an effort to root out provocateurs and opportunists in our midst or to distance ourselves from illegal or dishonorable behavior by misguided members; now we’re seeing heated arguments about what name we will use to refer to ourselves and rifts that have developed between committed organizers because someone’s ego has been bruised.  Don’t you know better by now?  Isn’t it time to start putting our differences aside, honoring those unique aspects about each of our belief systems that make us strong, and coming together so we can break our psychological chains?  Or is the unspoken purpose of the back-biters to achieve the destruction of all organizations and forums that committed Pan-Afrikan organizers have created to help us, to paraphrase Ancestor Robert Nesta Marley, “emancipate ourselves from mental slavery”?

Think I’m being too hard on us?  Wanna cuss me out?  Or do you agree with my analysis and want to get involved in a positive way?  Are you already doing this great and important work and want to link up with others who are tired of watching us rip ourselves apart?  Do feel free to give a brotha a shout.  Drop a comment to this piece on our Web Site.  Let us know who is out there who is ready to start making a positive difference and bring our people together at last.  The development of a broad coalition of true Liberation Thinkers, a true Pan-Afrikan United Front, is needed, and I hope we can find a way to bring something like this about at last.  Mama Pam Africa of MOVE, Bro. Carlos, Baba Dalani, Baba Keidi, Sista Marpessa who struggles for Political Prisoners, and others have been trying to bring us together for years, and I and others in SRDC have seen how difficult it can be to get us to stop screaming at each other and start talking, listening and planning with each other.  I hear so much from us when it’s time to “vent spleen” and not enough when it’s time to sit down with each other, learn to understand (or “overstand”) each other and truly plan for our own Unity and Liberation.

Peace and Power,
Bro. Cliff
Editor, KUUMBAReport Newsletter
Maryland Representative, Sixth Region Diaspora Caucus (SRDC)

Wrestling the Octopus: One View from the Diaspora

The consensus of the group was sincere, definitive and straightforward.  There were at least five of us, all but myself being Afrikans who had immigrated to the United States from Nigeria.  I would be considered either as a member of the “Old Diaspora” (people of Afrikan descent due to the enslavement of our Ancestors during the Transatlantic Slave Trade or Maafa, with Afrikan immigrants being the “New Diaspora”), or simply as a member of the “Afrikan Diaspora”, with immigrants from Afrika being considered “Continental Afrikans”.  Everyone on the conference call was agreed, including myself, about one critical issue facing the Afrikan Continent, though my personal knowledge of the topic at hand was limited at best.

“We must do something to end corruption in Afrika.”

If you read the various reports from the international organizations that claim to care about Afrikan people, you will see this refrain repeated as if it were a sacred mantra: If Afrika is to raise herself out of the toxic soup of suffering in which her people are mired, her leaders must find a way to weed out the corruption that infests the Mother Continent like an epidemic.  When “corruption” is thought to be too strong a word, politicians, diplomats and writers reach for its warmer-sounding feel-good handy-dandy substitute: “good governance.”  Unfortunately, this term “good governance” too often is taken to imply a more Western style of governance, usually akin to the United States’ version of “democracy”, while rejecting outright systems such as Socialism and Communism or more indigenous Afrikan Consensus-based models of communal governing.

This analysis seems consistent throughout the continent of Afrika.  Heads of state, from Cote D’Ivoire’s Laurent Bagbo to Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe, “holding on to power” for three and four decades as though the presidency of their countries were their own personal property.  The “Arab Spring” that swept across North Afrika last year seemed partly motivated by the desire of such heads of state as Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak and Libya’s “Brother Leader” Muammar Gaddafi to stay in office by all means possible, including, according to their detractors, the repression of political dissent.  It must be stated, however, that there seemed to be a primarily NATO-led incentive to eliminate President Gaddafi, just as the assault itself would not have succeeded had it not been for a great deal of NATO duplicity about “protecting civilians” and NATO bombing of Tripoli and Sirte.  Cote D’Ivoire’s Bagbo has since been unseated, and the warning bells are ringing for other long-entrenched Afrikan leaders.

Of course, the emergence of the so-called “Big Men” in Afrika became well-known immediately after Afrikan nations began to assert their independence in the 1960’s with the founding of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the predecessor to the modern-day African Union (AU).  The primary colonial powers, France, Britain, Portugal and Belgium, found their grip on the Continent loosening, and as the OAU was working to break these colonial bonds, looking upon Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya, His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie of Ethiopia and Patrice Lumumba of the Congo as shining examples of Afrikan liberation, the colonial powers saw the need to destabilize and put out these shining lights as quickly as possible.

Pillage of the Mother Continent

Thus began the destabilization campaigns: the assassination of Lumumba, the encirclement of Nkrumah and the prosecution of Kenyatta (who was defended by The Honorable Dudley Thompson during the Mau Mau trials — see accompanying article).  In particular with Lumumba and the Congo, the destabilization campaign worked like a charm: Colonel Joseph Mobutu, who had taken Lumumba prisoner, tortured and murdered him, became the president of the new Zaire and, during a 30-year reign of terror, proceeded to rob the country of tens of millions of dollars while allowing US-based multinational corporations to strip the country first of its rich rubber, then its gold and other gems, leading to its current situation as the world’s primary source of coltan (for cell phones).  A similar military coup and dictatorship in Nigeria by General Ibrahim Babangida and General Sani Abacha has helped bring us to the current state in the Niger River Delta: major oil companies such as Chevron and Royal Dutch Shell drill for oil while mobile units of “police thugs” known as the Kill-and-Go wreak havoc and spread terror among any who would resist the rapacious practices of Big Oil, even after the “democratically-elected”  regimes of Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo, Imaru Yar’Adua and Goodluck Jonathan.  And while Ethiopia holds the distinction of never having been conquered and colonized as the other states had been, its current situation, long after H.I.M. Selassie’s transition to the Ancestors, is far from that nation’s glory days: President Meles Zenawi having been coerced by the US to launch an invasion of neighboring Somalia to stop the reputed spread of Islamist rule there, and disease and famine spreading throughout the region.

Meanwhile, all across the countries of Northern and even Central Afrika, the battle rages on between the Islamic, self-proclaimed “Arab” north and the mostly-Christian south, with those who still practice their indigenous spirituality (Akan, Yoruba, Vodou, etc.) are caught in the middle.

Certainly, the African Union and its member states are working to eliminate corruption through efforts to introduce political reforms, but what are their examples and who are their guides?  A string of Western monarchies and so-called “democracies” that have their own sordid histories of corruption and oppression, most notably directed against the very Afrikan nations they now seek to advise?  The same nations that currently face an economic disaster as well as a growing grassroots rebellion in the form of the Occupy movement?

But this issue is clearly not the only problem facing the Mother Continent.  Even though the popular image of Afrika as a backward “dark continent” is little more than a stereotype to the informed observer, the fact remains that there is much poverty there.  Our problem is often that we lack the proper information to see and understand the links between the poverty and instability on the Continent and their underlying causes.

The poverty on the Continent can be traced to a number of factors, including climate (desertification in North Afrika was considered one of the underlying causes of the Darfur conflict), the continuing influence of the “former” colonial powers in Afrika’s economy (such as the French government’s imposition of the CFA Franc on the Francophone countries, the use of the British Pound in Kenya and the prominence of the dollar in other Afrikan nations, all of which are used to siphon off Afrikan wealth to French, British and US banks) and the rapacious practices of the extractive industries on the Continent (such as gold, diamonds and other precious gems in Western and Southern Afrika, oil in the Niger River Delta and Libya, and coltan in DR Congo).

These rapacious practices bring us to another major issue impacting Afrika: environmental destruction.  The same extractive industries that are making a killing, figuratively and literally, on the Continent are also destroying its land, water and air.  Thus, the Nigerian military junta under Abacha arrested, tried, convicted and executed Ogoni environmental activist Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight others in 1995 while officials of Chevron, Royal Dutch Shell and the United States simply stood by and watched.  Thus the continuing diamond mines in South Africa and the practice of sending children up into the mountains of DR Congo to dig for tantalum powder to produce the coltan we all use in our cell phones, DVD players and computers.

Central and South America

The country in the Western Hemisphere with the largest number of people of Afrikan descent is — no, not the United States — Brazil, with an estimated 85 to 115 million Afrodescendants.  But, as Professor Leonard Jeffries once stated, “they have been given 55 different ways to describe themselves other than Black.”  Thus, a major part of the problem there is one of identity.  It becomes difficult to speak to someone about Pan-Afrikanism, or even discrimination and racism, if they refuse, or fail, to realize their own heritage and the fact that there are those who will seek to exploit them for it.  As a result, they may not realize where the violence of military takeovers, the destruction of resource extraction or the scourge of drugs come from; only that a series of crooked rulers seem to come to power as multinational corporations make larger and larger fortunes at the expense of the people.

Fortunately, there are those who are working to reverse this situation.  Because the primary language in Brazil is Portuguese, the language barrier has made organizing difficult, but there are groups inside Brazil that are working to educate their people.  There has been somewhat more progress in Central America, where the Organización Negra Centroamericana (ONECA), or the Central American Black Organization (CABO) has established a means to speak on behalf of Afrodescendant populations in seven of the eight Central American countries.

South America has suffered, as a whole, from many of the same abuses that have been heaped upon Afrika, especially with the discovery of natural resources that can be exploited.  Chilean president Salvador Allende was assassinated on September 11, 1973 in large measure to open up Chile’s copper reserves for extraction by US-based multinational corporations.  Other countries, from Argentina to Brazil to Colombia to Venezuela, have been targeted for their resources, and where a non-compliant government prevented the multinational corporations from claiming their prize, that government had to be removed and those who supported it needed to be eliminated (at least two attempted coups d’etat against Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez have been traced to planners in the United States).  The tool of choice, invariably, was the reign of terror, and the bringers of this terror were right-wing death squads.  Tens of thousands across the continent were arrested, killed or “disappeared”.  Many of these were Indigenous descendants of the Maya, but this method was used to devastating effect, particularly against Afrodesdcendants, in the Caribbean.

The Caribbean: Independence Will Be Punished

The island nations of Jamaica and The Bahamas are very popular as tourist attractions, essentially treated as “America’s Caribbean playgrounds” by vacationers who focus on the crystal-clear water, the music and the parties without giving a second thought to the situations in the “poorer areas” of these countries, primarily because resort operators do not show these areas to visitors so as not to ruin their vacations or the companies’ bottom lines.  These island nations have managed to maintain a level of stability because they remain part of the British Empire, much like those that are considered possessions or territories of the United States and France.

The one island nation in the Caribbean that stands out in this regard is the one that earned its independence by force of arms in 1804.  Haiti (which, according to activists I’ve met, is actually an adulteration of the original Taino name Ayiti, which means “Land of Mountains”) established itself as the Western Hemisphere’s first independent Black nation after the revolution led by Dutty Baukman, Toussaint L’Overture and Jean-Jacques Dessalines ejected first the Spanish and then the French colonial regimes there.  However, the French, aided by the United States and Canada, instituted a blockade of the island and forced Ayiti’s young government to pay tens of millions of dollars to lift the blockade and earn world recognition.  Since then, a series of coups and dictatorships sponsored by the United States (specifically, those of François “Papa Doc” Duvalier from 1957 – 1971, his son Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier from 1971 – 1986, and Raoul Cedras after the 1991 overthrow of elected President Jean-Bertrand Aristide) and the imposition of “neoliberal” market-driven policies of privatization have taken the people of Ayiti to the brink of total collapse.  The continued presence of elements of the old Duvalier regimes, specifically the tonton macoute death squads, the mistreatment of Ayiti’s poor by a number of UN-led “security forces”, and the US’s refusal to tolerate the return of president Aristide after yet another US-sponsored coup in 2004, have worked to prevent Ayiti and its people from recovering.  Then, as though to bolster the opinion of some that Ayiti’s people “turned against God” when the revolution was launched with a Vodou ceremony, the massive earthquake in January 2010 and several hurricanes that followed have caused the nation to spiral to its most desperate state in recent memory.

The United States: Hardly One to Talk

Meanwhile, despite a higher average standard of living in the United States, there seems to be a much wider variety of ills that face Afrikan people.  Perhaps this is because in the West, there  is greater access to the mass media, which is always in search of the next scandal to help jump-start magazine sales or increase viewership.  Of course, the issues discussed in the major media bear little resemblance to those recognized by community activists and Pan-Afrikanists: while the major media concentrate on issues of poverty, education, drugs, crime and the “moral deficit” of specific underprivileged communities, the activists often point to their mirror-images: income inequality that leads to poverty, the “benign neglect” of the social safety net which impoverishes the public schools, desperate poverty which pushes communities toward criminality to survive and drug abuse to escape their misery, the targeting of communities of color (primarily Afrikan and Latino) for disproportionate harassment, brutality, arrest and prosecution, and the rampant hypocrisy of a regime that oppresses the poor and politically targets activists while giving financial “incentives” to the rich.

Specific examples bring these issues to life: bailouts for banks and other corporations which, in turn, foreclose on struggling homeowners who were misled into predatory housing loans.  Local and national budgets that de-fund schools, libraries and recreation centers for the youth while earmarking money for the building of ever more prisons, including “youth jails”, while militarizing police and increasing the US military arsenal.  The article in the San Jose-Mercury News by reporter Gary Webb in the 1980’s that showed the CIA had helped arrange the flooding of South Central Los Angeles with cocaine to fund right-wing military death squads in South America while criminalizing the nation’s youth and providing fodder for the infamous “war on drugs”.  The cases of Abner Louima, Amadou Diallo, Sean Bell, Oscar Grant and Adolph Grimes that highlight the continuing brutalization of Black (and Latino) males by police.  The disproportionate numbers of people of Afrikan descent incarcerated, despite conflicting national crime statistics.  The continuing cases of those who were targeted for their political beliefs, such as former Black Panthers Marshall “Eddie” Conway, Mumia Abu-Jamal, Sundiata Acoli, Jalil Muntaqim, Mutulu Shakur, Ed Poindexter, Veronza Bowers and Wopashitwe Mondo Eyen we Langa, American Indian Movement activist Leonard Peltier and the MOVE Nine (see story elsewhere in this issue).  The executions of Shaka Sankofa in 2000 and Troy Davis in 2011, among others, whose guilt was not even supported by the evidence.  All of this occurring against a backdrop of historic and continuing racism from employment discrimination to policies leading to Black land loss (for example, with the Black Farmers in North Carolina and Black communities in nearby Nova Scotia, Canada) to the occasional, but glaring, wink-and-nod, look-the-other-way response to instances of White vigilante lynch-mob violence.  This situation is not made easier by the fact that many (though far from all) Afrodescendants in the United States see themselves purely as Americans and feel no connection whatsoever to the Continent of their Ancestors, and even some immigrants direct from Afrika seem detached from the events and issues back home, as though by immigrating to the United States they have somehow escaped from Global White Supremacy.  Not much different from our Brothers and Sisters in Brazil, we have much work to do in opening the minds of Afrikan people living in the United States.

Meanwhile, issues that endanger the entire populace, Black and White, range from political policing (such as the response to the recent “Occupy” protests) and the destruction of the environment in the form of the Deepwater Horizon explosion in 2009, the Exxon Valdez disaster in 1989, mountaintop removal in West Virginia, the continuing struggles of the people in the Gulf Region and the Keystone XL Pipeline, which is still being touted by right-wing interests in an effort to exploit the Canadian tar sands, perhaps the dirtiest energy project in the world today.  It is only a matter of time until the Fukushima nuclear disaster in Japan is forgotten and the US sends the entire planet hurtling headlong, once again, toward potential nuclear catastrophe.  At the same time, the threat of war seems to be getting only worse, with saber-rattling toward Iran, the recent NATO-led war in Libya and the US’s constant search for a host country on the Mother Continent for AFRICOM, the latest attempt to militarize Afrika for the purposes of the West.  All the while, the bottom lines of the major corporations continue to spiral upward, the difference between the rich and the poor grows ever greater, and the populace in general grows more and more cynical and alienated from the entire “democratic” political process.

The Science of Alienation

At the 2009 National Conference of the Sixth Region Diaspora Caucus (for which I am the Maryland State Facilitator), we had the honor of meeting a number of truly insightful people from across the Afrikan World.

Baba Prosper Ndabishuriye is from Burundi.  He told us about how Belgium and United States had successfully divided the people of Burundi and Rwanda by elevating the Tutsi above the Hutu in importance and then systematically mistreating the Hutu.  This helped set the stage for the 100-day Rwandan genocide of 1994.  The actual catalyst was the murder of Hutu Presidents Juvénal Habyarimana of Rwanda and Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi on April 6, 1994 when the airplane carrying them was shot down as it prepared to land in Kigali, killing everyone on board.  Though the missile was later traced to Hutu rebels and not Tutsis, these divisions and the assassination of the President led to a rampage against Rwanda’s Tutsis and Hutu political moderates on April 7, 1994.  Many of the rifts created before and during that horrific event in history remain today between the Hutu and the Tutsi, though many like Baba Prosper are working every day to bring healing to these countries.

We also heard from a Brother from Sudan, who had immigrated to the United States several years before.  He related to us his story of woe: he had arrived in the Seattle area and was immediately greeted as a new immigrant by US officials who told him to “stay away from the Afrikan-Americans; they hate Afrikans and will only hurt you.”  And he followed that advice faithfully, avoiding all contact with members of the “Old Diaspora”, until the day he was accosted, beaten and arrested by a policeman.  As he sat in a jail cell, with no one to come to his aid, his plight was related to an Afrikan-American Sister in Seattle who was also a member of SRDC.  She was the only one who came to help him, putting up his bail and arranging for his defense on the trumped-up charges against him.  As he told us this story, all of us in the room reached out to him and welcomed him into the fold of conscious Pan-Afrikan activists.  I have not heard from him since that day, but my hope is that he has been able to maintain his faith in Pan-Afrikan unity and has not been once again turned against his own people by those who truly would abuse him and all of us.

On a broader scale, we see Afrikans from the Continent, Afrikans in the Caribbean, Afrikans in South America, Afrikans in Europe and Afrikans in the United States all divided against each other by the propaganda machines set in place by their historic oppressors.  They have elevated the process of alienation to a science and applied it against Afrikan people around the globe.

So, What Does All This Tell Us?

Let’s back away from the picture for a minute.  One is reminded of the tale of the three blind men who are asked to identify an object through touch.  One feels a large, rough, rounded surface and concludes the object is a rock.  Another touches something thick, hard, vertical and cylindrical and pronounces the object to be a tree.  The third examines a long, leathery, undulating object and declares it is a snake.  It is not until they compare notes that they realize that they were all touching different parts of an elephant.

One can see a similar situation in the world today.  In one part of the world, we see poverty, drugs and crime.  In another, we see political corruption, military repression and mass starvation.  In yet another, it’s an impoverished population on the brink of environmental catastrophe.  The reason why we seem unable to effectively deal with these various crises is we insist that these situations are unrelated.

In the United States, when a police officer guns down yet another unarmed Black youth, the Fraternal Order of Police is quick to label such an occurrence an “isolated incident”.  The general public seems to accept this explanation and continues on in a condition of blissful ignorance, but veteran community activists are well aware that not only is police brutality a widespread problem within American society, but it is also indicative of a pervasive “us versus them” mentality that can be found in almost every urban police force.  We can learn from the tale of the blind men and the elephant, and the real-life example of police brutality gives us a real-world example of how we must see the problems of the world, especially as they impact upon people of Afrikan descent around the globe.

This analysis may seem to some to be the idle ravings of a madman, but this writer sees Afrikan communities around the world wrestling with what they believe are a bunch of snakes, each acting independently.  In Afrika, people are struggling with the vipers of “corruption”, “tribalism” and “militarism”.  In Central and South America, we are fighting the serpents of “drugs”, “militarism” and “inequality” with a dose of identity crisis thrown in.  In the Caribbean, we either accept the pythonic embrace of the colonial powers or we feel the poisonous fangs of “dictatorship”, “impoverishment” and exposure to catastrophe.  And in the United States, we are subjected to the lethal bites of “police brutality”, “political imprisonment”, “economic inequality”, “legal and illegal lynching” and “systemic institutional racism”.  Meanwhile, we are all told that we are superior to other Children of Afrika, we really have no connection whatsoever to them or to our ancestral home, that they are in many cases responsible for our predicament and that we must in fact join with our historic oppressors against our Brothers and Sisters in other parts of the world.

We are not dealing with “isolated incidents” here.  What we are wrestling with are not a variety of snakes, even though it may seem as though we are all caught in a pit of vipers.  What we are fighting is not several beasts but one.  Not multiple snakes, but in each case, one tentacle of a giant octopus, an octopus of Global White Supremacy, a doctrine that seeks to overrun Indigenous civilizations around the world, be they in Afrika, in Australia, in the Americas or even, when things become sufficiently desperate, the less-fortunate or more-aware White populations in the world.

We must realize that this is a single beast that is executing a single, coordinated plan of dominance around the world.  And we must fight against it in a coordinated, unified way.  We must learn to overcome the thinking that has separated us for so many decades, so many centuries.  Afrikans from the Americas, from Europe, from Asia, from the Island Nations and from the Mother Continent must unite if we are to throw off the chains of oppression and exploitation once and for all.