More Killing and More Dying in Black and Blue

BLM asks Stop Killing Us 3For many, the issue of police brutality and the social upheaval it brings was brought home with the killing of Michael Brown two years ago in Ferguson, Missouri, and the cell phone video-inspired emergence of a nationwide protest movement centered on police violence and abuse against Black people and other people of color.  Just before that, of course, was the killing of Trayvon Martin by police-wannabe George Zimmerman and the rise of Black Lives Matter as protests started spreading across the nation.  Some of us remember Abner Louima (1997), Amadou Diallo (1999) and Sean Bell (2006) in New York City, and Oscar Grant in Oakland and Adolph Grimes in New Orleans, both on New Year’s Day 2009.  For others, it was the 1991 beating of motorist Rodney King, the first time many of us ever saw videographic evidence of police brutality, and the 1992 Los Angeles “Rebellion” (or “riots”, depending on your perspective) that followed.  Those with more of a sense of history will recall the August 28, 1955 lynching of Emmett Till by an angry mob of White vigilantes, or the bombing of Black Wall Street in Tulsa, Oklahoma in 1921, both under the direction of White hate groups like the Ku Klux Klan but clearly with the acquiescence of local law enforcement.  And those who want to go “all the way back” will point out the fact that the earliest municipal police departments were often commissioned to pursue runaway slaves in enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Acts of 1793 and 1850, a pursuit reminiscent of the slave catchers that kidnapped our Ancestors from Afrika in the first place.  Despite the recent killings of Martin, Brown, Eric Garner, Sandra Bland, Walter Scott, Tyrone West, Freddie Gray and so many other, lesser-known victims of police brutality over the last two years, the annual fireworks spectacle on July 4th seemed to provide a chance for many of us to marvel at the rockets’ red glare, revel in the belief in (or the illusion of) “one nation indivisible” and go back to sleep for a while.

But one day after Americans engaged in their often food-stuffed and drink-soaked Alton Sterling 1celebration of the independence of the United States, Alton Sterling (June 14, 1979 – July 5, 2016), known locally as “CD Man”, was shot and killed by police officers in Baton Rouge, Louisiana as he was selling compact disks outside a convenience store.  This account of the events of that day comes from Wikipedia(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shooting_of_Alton_Sterling):

The owner of the store where the shooting occurred, Abdullah Muflahi, said that Sterling had started carrying a gun a few days prior to the event, because other CD vendors had been robbed recently. Muflahi also said that Sterling was “not the one causing trouble” during the situation that led to the police being called.

The police officers involved in the shooting were Howie Lake II and Blane Salamoni. Lake had three years of law enforcement experience which included a previous shooting of an African-American male for which he was placed on department-mandated leave; Salamoni had four years of experience.[8] Salamoni and Lake had both been previously investigated, and cleared for use of excessive force.

At 12:35 p.m., at 2112 North Foster Drive, in the parking lot of Triple S Food Mart, Sterling was detained by Baton Rouge Police Department officers after an anonymous caller reported that a man believed to be Sterling was threatening him and waving or brandishing a handgun while in the process of selling CDs. Sterling was tasered by the officers, then the officer grabbed Sterling, who was of heavy build, and tackled him to the hood of a silver sedan and then to the ground. Sterling was pinned to the ground by both officers, with one kneeling on his chest and the other on his thigh, both attempting to control his arms.

One officer exclaimed, “He’s got a gun! Gun!” One of the officers yelled, “If you f##king move, I swear to God!” Then Salamoni was heard on the video saying, “Lake, he’s going for the gun!” One of the officers aimed his gun at Sterling’s body, then three gunshots are heard, and then the camera pans away; just before the camera pans back, three more gunshots are heard. The police officer sitting on Sterling’s chest is out of the picture, and the officer who drew the gun is about a meter away with his gun trained on Sterling, who has a clear gunshot wound in his chest. According to witness Abdullah Muflahi, the officers then retrieved a firearm from Sterling’s pocket. The officers then radioed for Emergency Medical Services.

According to Parish Coroner William Clark of East Baton Rouge, a preliminary autopsy on July 5th indicated that Sterling had died due to multiple gunshot wounds to the chest and back.

Multiple bystander cell phones captured video of the shooting, in addition to store surveillance and officer body cameras. One of the bystander videos was filmed by a group called “Stop the Killing” which listens to police scanners and films crimes in progress as well as police interactions in an effort to reduce violence in the community. A second video was made available the day after the shooting by the store owner and eyewitness Abdullah Muflahi. In a statement to NBC News, Muflahi said that Sterling never wielded the gun or threatened the officers.

On the night of July 5, more than 100 demonstrators in Baton Rouge shouted “no justice, no peace,” set off fireworks, and blocked an intersection to protest Sterling’s death. Flowers and messages were left at the place of his death. …

On July 6, Black Lives Matter held a candlelight vigil in Baton Rouge, with chants of “We love Baton Rouge” and calls for justice.

Philando Castile 1Then, as though following the unfortunate tradition that one bad turn must lead to another, Philando Castile was killed by a Minnesota police officer during what was supposed to be a routine traffic stop (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shooting_of_Philando_Castile):

On July 6, 2016, Philando Castile was fatally shot by Jeronimo Yanez, a St. Anthony, Minnesota police officer, after being pulled over in Falcon Heights, a suburb of St. Paul. Castile was driving a car with his girlfriend, Diamond Reynolds, and her four-year-old daughter as passengers when he was pulled over by Yanez and another officer. According to Reynolds, after being asked for his license and registration, Castile told the officer he was licensed to carry a concealed weapon and had one in the car. Reynolds stated: “The officer said don’t move. As he was putting his hands back up, the officer shot him in the arm four or five times.”

Diamond Reynolds live-streamed a video on Facebook in the immediate aftermath of the shooting. It shows her interacting with the armed officer as a mortally injured Castile lay slumped over, moaning slightly and bleeding from his left arm and side. The Hennepin County Medical Examiner’s office ruled Castile’s death a homicide and said he had sustained multiple gunshot wounds. The office reported that Castile died at 9:37 p.m. CDT in the emergency room of the Hennepin County Medical Center, about 20 minutes after being shot.

Philando Divall Castile (July 16, 1983 – July 6, 2016) was 32 years old at the time of his death.[

Micah Xavier Johnson

Just as the nation was beginning yet another perfunctory discussion about the precariousness of Black lives at the hand of police, Micah Xavier Johnson rather brutally turned the tables (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2016_shooting_of_Dallas_police_officers):

On July 7, 2016, Micah Xavier Johnson ambushed and fired upon a group of police officers in Dallas, Texas, killing five officers and injuring nine others. Two bystanders were also wounded. Johnson was an Army Reserve Afghan War veteran who was reportedly angry over police shootings of black men and stated that he wanted to kill white people, especially white police officers. The shooting happened at the end of a peaceful Black Lives Matter-organized protest against police killings of Alton Sterling in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, and Philando Castile in Falcon Heights, Minnesota, which had occurred in the preceding days.

Following the shooting, Johnson fled inside a building on the campus of El Centro College. Police followed him there, and a standoff ensued. In the early hours of July 8, police killed Johnson with a bomb attached to a remote control bomb disposal robot. It was the first time U.S. law enforcement used a robot to kill a suspect.

Reaction to the Shootings

National and international reaction to the shootings of Sterling, Castile and the Dallas police officers included public statements calling for racial justice from entertainers such as Nick Cannon, Snoop Dogg and even White rapper Macklemore; travel advisories from the governments of the Bahamas, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates that cited racial tensions in the United States; and a statement from the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR) condemning the killings of Sterling and Castile.  Protests in Baton Rouge led to arrests and some injuries as policed clashed with demonstrators (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shooting_of_Alton_Sterling):

On July 8, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) issued a statement strongly condemning Sterling and Castile’s killings. Human rights expert Ricardo A. Sunga III, the current Chair of the United Nations Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent, stated that the killings demonstrate “a high level of structural and institutional racism” in the U.S., adding that “the United States is far from recognizing the same rights for all its citizens. Existing measures to address racist crimes motivated by prejudice are insufficient and have failed to stop the killings”. …

Professor Peniel E. Joseph, founding director of the Center for the Study of Race and Democracy at Tufts University, editorialized that “the deaths of Alton Sterling and Philando Castile evoke the past spectacle of lynching” and that for change to happen, Americans must confront the pain of black history. …

Louisiana U.S. Representative Cedric Richmond said that the footage of Sterling’s shooting is “deeply troubling” and called for a U.S. Department of Justice investigation into the man’s death. Governor John Bel Edwards announced on July 6 that the Department of Justice would launch an investigation. A civil rights investigation was opened by the Department of Justice on July 7.

Again, from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shooting_of_Alton_Sterling:

Speaking shortly after the shootings of Sterling and Philando Castile, President Barack Obama did not comment on the specific incidents, but called upon the U.S. to “do better.” He also said “Americans should feel outraged at episodes of police brutality since they’re rooted in long-simmering racial discord.”

Gavin Eugene Long

Then, on July 17, Gavin Eugene Long shot six police officers in Baton Rouge, the city where Sterling had been killed by police 12 days earlier.  Three officers died, two of whom were members of the Baton Rouge Police Department and the third of whom was a deputy for the East Baton Rouge Sherriff’s Office.  Long was shot and killed by a SWAT officer during the shootout.  While some reports have linked him to so-called “Black separatist” organizations and have even attempted to blame Black Lives Matter for the shootings of police officers, others have pointed to the written statements of both men that they were acting alone, and a few people we have spoken with have cited the failure to release the recordings of police negotiations with Micah Xavier Johnson to bolster their belief that he and Long may have been “patsies” as part of a series of “false flag” attacks designed to stir up racial tensions in the United States, usher in a more authoritarian government and reverse whatever gains were made during the Obama administration in the area of racial justice.

Giuliani 4

The Right Wing’s Bombast

Needless to say, as these events were unfolding, the backlash against the police-brutality protests was steadily escalating, from the emergence of the hashtags “All Lives Matter” and “Blue Lives Matter” to public statements from elected and former-elected officials. Former New York City mayor Rudolph Giuliani, known throughout at least the Black community for his “zero-tolerance” stance toward so-called “Black thugs” while he covered for New York City police officers’ acts of brutality (Abner Louima, Amadou Diallo, Sean Bell and many others), appeared on Meet The Press on Sunday, July 17 to publicly declare that the phrase “Black Lives Matter” was “inherently racist”.  The slogans “Blue Lives Matter” and “All Lives Matter” began to gain in popularity, especially after two Black police officers publicly called for it at the Republican National Convention on Tuesday, July 19.

Giuliani and others have also directly accused Black Lives Matter of placing a target BLM asks Stop Killing Us 2on the backs of police officers across the country and calling for the execution of police, despite no evidence whatsoever that any BLM activist has ever advocated for such a thing. But the racist vitriol didn’t stop there.  Texas Republican Representative Louie Gohmert declared that President Obama has repeatedly failed to unite Americans after tragedies like the shooting in Dallas (http://thehill.com/blogs/blog-briefing-room/news/287057-gop-rep-obamas-divided-us-more-than-ever).

“He has divided us more than ever,” Gohmert said July 15 on Fox Business Network. “Every time there’s been a tragic shooting by police, he has taken the chance to call out police.

“He always comes out against the cops. This administration has supported Black Lives Matter as even their leaders have called out for killing cops. The president has failed miserably as he’s been so divisive.”

Needless to say, Gohmert demonstrates here one apparent prerequisite for becoming a right-wing public official: the liberal (pun intended) and consistent use of wild exaggeration, inflammatory (and unfounded) accusation and bombast for the purpose of stirring up racial tension and paranoia.

The Police: From Conflict to Compassion

Meanwhile, police departments across the United States have gone to “high alert” as their paranoia towards Black protesters has increased.  Some might say that the recent events have forced police departments to become more conscious of the fear of being attacked and killed for no reason, something that Black motorists, pedestrians and children playing with toy guns have felt not only for the last two years, but for the past several decades.  The fact that no one should have to live with this fear should go without saying, although Black people, from entertainers to athletes to elected officials to the President of the United States are expected to say this on behalf of “blue lives” while there are relatively few prominent police officers consistently saying this on behalf of Black lives.  But there are some.

Police Capt Ray Lewis 1In spite of the multitude of bombastic comments that appear designed to increase tensions between the police and the citizenry (particularly the Black citizenry), there are White voices, and White police voices, that have swum against the current and have been raised against police brutality.  A consistent voice in opposition of late has been that of retired Philadelphia Police Captain Ray Lewis (no, not the future Hall of Fame football player), who was once a self-admitted “brutal cop” who came to realize the abusive nature of his job and since that time has frequently been arrested, in full police uniform, while protesting against police brutality.  His Facebook page (https://www.facebook.com/captainraylewis/) features a post that answered the question, Is “All Lives Matter” Racist?

You betcha! It’s an attempt by white racists, to frame blacks, as ONLY caring about black lives with their “Black Lives Matter” slogan. Anyone with a minimal knowledge of language, realizes that if that was the message that blacks wanted to convey, the slogan would read, “ONLY Black Lives Matter.”

Captain Lewis also wrote a post titled “Alton Sterling Would Be Alive Today If He Were White”:

ALTON STERLING WOULD BE ALIVE TODAY IF HE WERE WHITE

The call was “anonymous,” and NO complainant was on the scene upon police arrival. The police had no reason to even question him, let alone immediately tackle him.

WITHOUT A COMPLAINANT, nor seeing the individual waving a gun at others, there is NO job here! WITHOUT A COMPLAINANT no arrest can be made. The report is written up as UNFOUNDED, and the officers resume patrol. PERIOD! END OF STORY! And Alton Sterling is alive.

How do we make sense of this?

Investigations continue in an effort to determine whether or not Micah Johnson and Gavin Long acted alone, as well as what caused them to embark on their violent anti-police campaigns aside from their connections to military service (Iraq, Afghanistan) and their shared outrage over the continuing police violence against Black civilians which usually went unpunished (the killers of 12-year-old Tamir Rice in Cleveland, Michael Brown in Ferguson and Eric Garner in New York were never even charged, while the killers of Freddie Gray in Baltimore have now been acquitted in all three trials that have run to completion as of this writing).

At the same time, some in the Pan-Afrikan community are dealing with how they should regard these two vigilantes. These men apparently saw themselves as acting in response to the terrorism Black communities feel subjected to at the hands of a “colonial” police force, but at the same time they men committed acts of terrorism themselves by firing upon people who had made no aggressive actions toward them.  Thus, they have been referred to as “cowards” by many in the mainstream press, as “martyrs” by some Black people who are themselves fed up with police violence against our communities, and as the “freest Black men on earth” by some who saw them as fighting back against the constraints put on us in our efforts to resist oppression.  We do not see them as “cowards” simply because they had to know what the response would be to their actions, they took these actions personally and in the field of conflict (as opposed to launching a drone from a comfortable control room to strike a village halfway around the world), and they both paid with their lives in the end.  We also do not see them as “martyrs” as use of that word would lend a degree of heroism to their actions than we see as warranted.  After all, ambushing any unsuspecting group of people, cops or not, who were actually demonstrating at least some solidarity with the protesters – more than most police departments do nationally – would be seen by most of us as against the principles of Ma’at and this not as an honorable act.  Too often, we see our young men come home from the theater of war damaged, as these men BLM and Police 1apparently did, and they turn their skills at combat inward on themselves or outward against their own communities or against the police.  And the result is often as we see here: a backlash against Black activism of any kind, an escalation of the militarization of police forces and a crackdown against the civil liberties of all those who would speak out in protest against the encroaching police state.  Instead, what our young battle-tested but combat-weary men and women must do is come “home” to their people, learn to use their skills for the defense of their community instead of the assault on an enemy they often misidentify and cannot defeat, help to teach our young people how to use their skills constructively for their people, defend our community leaders from the gang-bangers as well as the storm-troopers, and heal themselves and our communities at the same time.  In the face of heightened antagonism from the political right-wing, paranoia from the police and feelings of anger, confusion, misdirection, aggression and hopelessness from our own community, what we need now are safe spaces where we can share together, heal together, grow together and, most importantly, build together.  Now more than ever, especially with the prospect of a new president in the White House whom many Black people will either distrust or outright fear, it is important for us to, as Ancestor Kwame Ture (Stokely Carmichael) said decades ago, organize, organize, organize.

Muhammad Ali – RE EXAMINING GREATNESS

Muhammad Ali – RE EXAMINING GREATNESS
By Dr. William Small
South Carolina

On Friday, June 3, 2016, a singularly important African American icon transitioned into the realm of our ancestors. All of the major media outlets were quick to bombard their audiences with words and statements of praise and adulation for the life and the deeds of Muhammad Ali. It is not unusual for individuals who enjoy public celebrity to be more favorably referred to in death than they were in life. Perhaps praise becomes a balm for the conscience of those of us who are temporarily left behind. In this instance, I did not have the sense or the feeling that the media was doing what the media often routinely does. Instead, for me, the words of praise and regret were couched in the comfort and assurance of the words of the spiritual which said: “Oh grave, you can’t hold my body down”. 

As Black people, I suggest that we especially need to become increasingly sensitive to the nature and essence of what and how we celebrate. We must insure that our legitimate emotional expressions are accompanied by a responsible degree of political consciousness. Thus, we will be able to conceptualize and fully appreciate the dimensional significance of what it is that we are, in fact, celebrating. It is through the incorporation of structure and discipline in our celebrations, that we can preserve the integrity of our world view and defend our collective interests, as we express ourselves publicly on all matters of social and political importance. This discipline is also a safe guard against our getting caught up in the rapture of confusing “popular” momentary and limited political acceptance, with the existence of friendships and alliances that translate into political solidarity and collective strength. It was this kind of clarity with respect to the principled engagement of issues that distinguished Muhammad Ali as a leader among leaders and made him a hero to “his people” and to legions of admirers around the world.

Although Muhammad Ali was a professional boxer, arguably, his most important fights and his greatest victories were fought and won outside of the boxing ring. There, outside of the ring, his victories helped a nation to see more clearly the dangers that lurk in the valleys and in the menacing shadows of death cast by an unjust war. It was his politics and moral stances outside of the ring that helped a needy world to see the peace that can be found on the shores of our human experience when touched by life’s still waters.

In spite of the uniqueness and the legitimate claims of “specialness” that are associated with the life of Brother Ali, we must not fail to see the bond that he shared with millions of Black people and others who dared to take a principled stand or to be a drum major for justice. Here I am reminded of a very simple truth that is confirmed by my knowledge and understanding of history. That truth being that Black men in America who gain a measure of celebrity for accepting the responsibility to move the needle of “Black Progress” from tacit acceptance to real empowerment, can expect to encounter the wrath of white supremacy. This holds whether or not the individual is rich or poor, young or old, revolutionary or nonviolent, Christian or other, American or foreign born. It matters not if the name is King, “X”, or Cosby, DuBois, Robeson, Garvey, Robinson, Till, Evers, Barry, or Barack. You may expect to be challenged by a political system containing pit falls and walls of race based injustice which mark the domestic and international landscape. It will do so passively at times and violently at other times, but it will at all times be accompanied by intentionally destructive forces. These negative omnipresent forces seek to diminish the value of any Black individual, institution or body that is courageous enough to unapologetically seek social, political and economic justice for the marginalized.

Muhammad Ali “shook up the world”, by knocking out Sonny Liston. But Muhammad Ali “really shook up the world” by demonstrating to the so called world powers, outside of the boxing ring, that, as a young man with a worldwide following, he understood his responsibility as a black man, and as a global role model. He demonstrated that he was not afraid to sacrifice money and celebrity in order to stand for principle, his ethnic integrity, and as a respecter of humanity and other things sacred.

As we celebrate the life and work of Muhammad Ali, let us think past the “Thriller in Manila” and the “Rumble in the Jungle”. Let us instead remember Muhammad Ali’s greatest fights outside of the boxing ring. Let us remember and celebrate what he gave up to fight those fights, because he valued his integrity and his desire not to see himself, his people, and others compromised by the forces of white supremacy and the attempt to reinforce the effects of its domestic and international agenda.

Let us also think about the responsibility that we must carry as we continue on our journey to preserve our personal and collective integrity; and to secure political, economic and social justice for ourselves and our fellow human beings. Long Live the Champ!

Dr. Small can be contacted at williamsmalljr@gmail.com

The Message of Muhammad Ali in the Wake of Orlando

More Love Less Hate

A message of the screen during a prayer vigil at the Joy Metropolitan Community Church after a fatal shooting at the Pulse nightclub in Orlando, Florida on Sunday, June 12, 2016. (AP Photo – Chris O. Meara)

On Friday, June 10, many Americans were awestruck by the outpouring of affection that was displayed at the funeral of The Greatest, Muhammad Ali, in Louisville, Kentucky.  The inspiring story of a relentless champion of justice, who had sacrificed a career in the name of peace, and who nevertheless returned to triumph, strengthened and guided by his faith in Islam.  The legacy of a child of Louisville who had risen from humble beginnings to global supremacy and international stardom, and who in his later life would demonstrate that the diminishment of physical skills and abilities was no barrier to the will to become an international icon of human rights, global peace and devotion to the Creator.  The example of a nation which had once reviled him, but ultimately had learned to honor the dignity that had made him so much better than the nation that had once tried to destroy him.  The message that, through connection with the Almighty, by whatever name you use, you can overcome all obstacles and become a symbol of justice and love.

By the middle of the weekend, these same Americans were witness to what has gone on record as the worst mass shooting in the nation’s history.  At this writing, 50 dead and 53 seriously wounded.  A community, mostly LGBT, that has found itself under fire throughout history, now having been subjected to personal violence on a scale not seen before.  A single shooter, not previously known for his religious beliefs (for all we know at this time, he had none), but who has now become a handy reference for those who wish to once again stoke fears of “Islamic terrorism”.  And, once again, a spirituality that has been victimized by the blind hatred of a group of cruel zealots and the “terrorist propaganda” of the Right being painted as a spirituality of hate, despite the fact that “Islam” translates into “peace” in English.

The following commentary was written by sports and social-issues columnist Dave Zirin of The Nation, who had just attended the funeral of Muhammad Ali, and whose words of admonishment to an often overly-judgmental nation were shared with the Atlanta-based organization Justice Initiative.  We thank Ms. Heather Gray and Justice Initiative for this commentary.

The Orlando Killings and the Message of Muhammad Ali’s Funeral
The people who witnessed Ali’s interfaith service need to take its lessons  forward in a post-Orlando world.
By Dave Zirin
The Nation

There are no words regarding the emotional whiplash I feel, having attended Muhammad Ali’s funeral on Friday and now, on Sunday, attending a vigil in Washington, DC, for the 50-and counting-slaughtered at the Pulse in Orlando on Saturday. Was this really all the same weekend? The juxtaposition is beyond tragic.

To hear about the remorseless killing of predominantly Latino LGBT people during Pride month is shattering enough. To then see Donald Trump and a collection of the worst anti-gay bigots be boastful, almost gleeful, about it because the shooter was Muslim is all the worse. Muhammad Ali, as eulogist Billy Crystal said, truly devoted the last half of his life to building bridges. These bridges are fragile; that’s what makes them matter. It is so much easier to just burn them down, and that is exactly what one shooter aimed to do, and now in death he is being assisted by an entire right-wing apparatus, which despises bridges about as much as it detests irony.

Never mind that by all accounts, we know that the shooter-whose name I will not write-was an American citizen. Never mind that he bought the automatic weapons legally, or was a violent misogynist, or worked for one of those shadowy global private security firms for almost a decade, or wasn’t even religious. The fact is that powerful people are demanding their villain of choice. So it won’t be the gun nuts, or those poisoned by seeing women as objects of violence, or the internal culture of these private security firms. It will be Muslims. That’s their narrative of choice.

It’s all so awful. And yet I can think of no better response to this cavalcade of hate than the message of Muhammad Ali ‘s funeral. The entire interfaith service was a testament-an act of resistance-against anti-Islamic bigotry, symbolized by the fact that the most powerful voice against this strain of hatred was Rabbi Michael Lerner, although he was hardly alone. The entire day brought together people of all faiths and no faiths from all over the world to celebrate a person who was tough enough to stand up to empire, racism, and the US state, as well as kind enough to care about the future of humanity.

At the painstakingly constructed service, as she said goodbye to her husband of 30 years in front of family, friends, 22,000 people at KFC Yum! Stadium, and the world, Yolanda Ali spoke the following truth. She said, “Muhammad wants us to see the face of his religion, al-Islam, true Islam, as the face of love. It was his religion that caused him to turn away from war and violence. For his religion, he was prepared to sacrifice all that he had and all that he was to protect his soul and follow the teachings of Prophet Muhammad, peace be upon him. So even in death, Muhammad has something to say. He is saying that his faith required that he take the more difficult road. It is far more difficult to sacrifice oneself in the name of peace than to take up arms in pursuit of violence.”

She also said the following, and it is sending a chill down my spine to even transcribe these words: “You know, as I reflect on the life of my husband, it’s easy to see his most obvious talents. His majesty in the ring as he danced under those lights enshrined him as a champion for the ages. Less obvious was his extraordinary sense of timing. His knack for being in the right place at the right time seemed to be ordained by a higher power.”

We need-desperately-to recognize the timing of Ali’s passing, crossing the same weekend as the worst mass shooting in US history. We need to use his death to promote an alternate vision to the competing fundamentalisms that want to turn our world into two warring camps: camps that hold a common agreement of seeing the LGBT community as something to demonize, oppress, and, when opportunity strikes, kill. We need the memory and voice of Muhammad Ali now more than ever. We need to remember the person who understood the importance of using his own funeral as a last act of resistance. We need the example of someone who said, “In war, the intention is to kill, kill, kill, kill and continue killing innocent people!” That war has come home, not just in Orlando but amid the lives of innocent families across the Middle East.

We need, above all else, the example of someone who put it all on the line to resist this mindless violence, because that will be our task in the very immediate future.

Remembering the 1985 MOVE Bombing

MOVE Bombing 1985h AP File Photo
I’m scandalously late in posting this, but I could not let another year pass without including an acknowledgement of the horrific deaths of eleven members of the MOVE Organization on May 13, 1985, just over 31 years ago.  Below, we have included a number of perspectives on what happened that day, from news agencies, activist blogs and the MOVE website.  Finally, I’ve unearthed an interview I had done 16 years ago with several residents of Osage Avenue who, despite their opposition to the methods of MOVE, nonetheless raised questions that indicate that even people with some antipathy toward MOVE recognize the day of infamy that was May 13, 1985.

NPR
Why Have So Many People Never Heard Of The MOVE Bombing?
May 18, 20158:04 PM ET

Gene Demby
http://www.npr.org/sections/codeswitch/2015/05/18/407665820/why-did-we-forget-the-move-bombing

What gives? It’s seems incredible that so many people had never heard about the time American law enforcement bombed U.S. citizens on U.S. soil, which, on top of the deaths, left dozens of bystanders’ homes destroyed in an uncontrolled fire that the police commissioner told firefighters not to put out right away. The details are so extreme, so over-the-top. How have we forgotten this?

NewsOne
11 Things You Didn’t Know About The Time Police Bombed An American Neighborhood
http://newsone.com/3433351/11-things-you-didnt-know-about-move-philadelphia-bombing/

Free Thought Project
Today is the Anniversary of the One Terrorist Attack in America that You are Supposed to Forget
Claire Bernish
http://thefreethoughtproject.com/today-anniversary-terrorist-attack-america-supposed-forget/#irgSDRIeD2y0Kxfv.99

from a Wikipedia article on the MOVE Organization:
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/MOVE

In 1981 MOVE relocated to a row house at 6221 Osage Avenue in the Cobbs Creek area of West Philadelphia. After the move, neighbors complained for years that MOVE members were broadcasting political messages by bullhorn. However, the bullhorn was broken and inoperable for the three weeks prior to the bombing of the row house.

The police obtained arrest warrants charging four occupants with crimes including parole violations, contempt of court, illegal possession of firearms, and making terrorist threats. Mayor W. Wilson Goode and police commissioner Gregore J. Sambor classified MOVE as a terrorist organization. On May 13, 1985, the police, along with city manager Leo Brooks, arrived in force and attempted to clear the building and execute the arrest warrants. This led to an armed standoff with police, who lobbed tear gas canisters at the building. The police said that MOVE members fired at them; a gunfight with semi-automatic and automatic firearms ensued. Commissioner Sambor then ordered that the compound be bombed. From a Pennsylvania State Police helicopter, Philadelphia Police Department Lt. Frank Powell proceeded to drop two one-pound bombs (which the police referred to as “entry devices”) made of FBI-supplied water gel explosive, a dynamite substitute, targeting a fortified, bunker-like cubicle on the roof of the house.

The resulting explosions ignited a fire that eventually destroyed approximately 65 nearby houses. The firefighters, who had earlier deluge-hosed the MOVE members in a failed attempt to evict them from the building, stood by as the fire caused by the bomb engulfed the first house and spread to others, having been given orders to let the fire burn. Despite the earlier drenching of the building by firefighters, officials said that they feared that MOVE would shoot at the firefighters. Eleven people (John Africa, five other adults and five children aged 7 to 13) died in the resulting fire and more than 250 people were left homeless. Ramona Africa, one of the two survivors, stated that police fired at those trying to escape.

Fallout

Mayor Goode soon appointed an investigative commission called the PSIC (aka MOVE Commission), chaired by William H. Brown, III. Police commissioner Sambor resigned in November 1985, reporting that he felt that he was being made a “surrogate” by Goode. Goode, on the other hand, feared the Philadelphia Police Department as he had received intelligence indicating that he had been marked as a target for death by the police department. The MOVE Commission issued its report on March 6, 1986. The report denounced the actions of the city government, stating that “Dropping a bomb on an occupied row house was unconscionable.” Following the release of the report, Goode made a formal public apology. No one from the city government was charged criminally but the only surviving MOVE member, Ramona Africa, was charged and incarcerated on riot and conspiracy charges.

In 1996 a federal jury ordered the city to pay a US$1.5 million civil suit judgement to survivor Ramona Africa and relatives of two people killed in the bombing. The jury had found that the city used excessive force and violated the members’ constitutional protections against unreasonable search and seizure. Philadelphia was given the sobriquet “The City that Bombed Itself.”

from the MOVE Website (http://onmove.com):
Bombing Black People: The Philadelphia Police’s War on Move
March 3, 2016 by onamove

Global Research News Hour Episode 129
By Michael Welch and Linn Washington
January 31, 2016
http://onamove.com/bombing-black-people-the-philadelphia-polices-war-on-move/

My April 2000 Interview with Residents of Osage Avenue
This interview was conducted on April 29, 2000 with five residents of the Osage Avenue neighborhood which had been the scene of the May 13, 1985 bombing of the MOVE Organization.  The interview has been edited for length, and the names of the interviewees were not recorded to ensure their privacy.  The text had been saved on an old computer hard drive and was only recently recovered.  For the full interview, click here.

MOVE Bombing 1985i Remember the Osage Avenue Victims

The April 2000 Osage Avenue Interview

MOVE Bombing 1985i Remember the Osage Avenue VictimsEditor’s note: This interview was conducted on April 29, 2000 with five residents of the Osage Avenue neighborhood which had been the scene of the May 13, 1985 bombing of the MOVE Organization.  The interview has been edited for length, and the names of the interviewees were not recorded to ensure their privacy.  The text had been saved on an old computer hard drive and was only recently recovered.

I’ve had the last 16 years since the interview (and a couple of years before that) to meet and talk with members of MOVE, particularly Mama Ramona Africa and Mama Pam Africa, and to see the integrity of the members of the MOVE Family, as well as their compassion and affection for those who would go so far as to simply listen to them.  Over the years, MOVE may have “softened” their approach (not as many swear words, for example), but they have never wavered in their commitment to resisting this “rotten-ass system”.  I pretty much understood this even back then on April 29, 2000 when I sat down to interview the five gentlemen on Osage Avenue, but still, I wanted to be sure they had their say.  And the more they said, the more I saw that their concerns were not that different from those of MOVE, even though they disagreed with, and at times even condemned, MOVE’s methods.  I hope that understanding comes through as you read the interview below.

Interview at Osage Avenue
April 29, 2000

There are a number of articles on this website that describe the ongoing struggles of the MOVE Organization from the MOVE perspective, as well as links to the MOVE site.  While we at KUUMBAReport would not personally practice every tactic, strategy and philosophy of MOVE, we agree with them in general and remain committed to defending MOVE’s right to live their lives as their philosophy has determined to be in harmony with their beliefs and their convictions.  We call for justice for the six adults and five children who were victims of the 1985 MOVE bombing and for the hundreds of neighbors who lost their homes and faced a protracted struggle to make their lives while again.  We call for justice and full vindication for Mama Ramona Africa, the sole adult survivor of the bombing, and the members of the MOVE Organization who were forced to endure the violent deaths of their family members that day.  We advocate for the immediate release of the imprisoned members of their family, the MOVE Nine (seven of whom still are alive in prison since the 1978 Powelton Village assault by Philadelphia police) and for the exoneration and liberation of their best-known defender, journalist Mumia Abu-Jamal.  But there was one perspective I had always wanted to hear, that those of us who support revolutionary struggle rarely have an opportunity to truly engage with – that of the “average citizen” who does not share the “revolutionary” philosophy and who might be strongly critical of it, but who might actually share more with us than we would expect.

On April 29, 2000, I visited the Osage Avenue neighborhood where the infamous MOVE bombing took place.  Fifteen years after an entire city block of 61 houses was burned down and eleven people – six adults and five children – were killed, the houses had been rebuilt, some of them several times over.  A friend of mine from my daytime employment had grown up in Philadelphia, and as we had debated the fear he had expressed of the MOVE Organization, I had been able to disabuse him of most of his misconceptions.  As a result, he had gotten me in touch with someone who lived in that Osage Avenue neighborhood and, through contacting this person, an interview with several people who had a rather unique perspective on the confrontation was arranged.

I did not record the names of the interviewees on the audiotape, in part to protect their identities in case any of their opinions were considered too controversial to ensure their privacy.  I have instead listed them as “Mr. A”, “Mr. B”, “Mr. C”, “Mr. D” and “Mr. E”.  These were five gentlemen who lived in the Osage Avenue MOVE Bombing 1985bneighborhood at the time of the MOVE bombing on May 13, 1985. Their opinions regarding MOVE were at least somewhat varied. Some were more sympathetic to MOVE than others.  They all agreed that their perspectives were different from that of MOVE, and thus they generally did not approve of MOVE’s methods of confrontation.  They also agreed, however, that what happened to MOVE, from the Osage Avenue bombing to the Powelton Village confrontation in 1978 to the years of abuse they had suffered at the hands of the Philadelphia Police Department, was undeserved and was the result of the actions of a corrupt, racist and repressive system.  They also made several allegations regarding the conduct of the 1978 and 1985 police actions and the subsequent investigations that some might consider shocking.

Interviewer – Bro. Cliff (KUUMBAReport)
Interviewees – Mr. A, Mr. B, Mr. C, Mr. D, Mr. E

KUUMBAReport: We’re here in the 6200 block of Osage Avenue and we’re talking about the history of the MOVE Organization in this neighborhood as it led up to the 1985 bombing, and even some issues that might have come out since then because I’m sure that wasn’t the last anyone heard of the MOVE Organization. What was the first time that people had heard in this neighborhood about MOVE, and what were the first impressions of people about them?

Mr. B: Well actually we had heard about MOVE prior to this experience that we had with them – back in Powelton Village. At the time, I just figured it was one of these radical groups, from what I’d seen in Powelton Village. … But I really didn’t pay that much attention to MOVE then, not until we had this experience. I don’t care what your religion might be or whatever. That’s yours. But don’t infringe it on me. If I don’t want to listen to your [political or religious agenda], then that’s my prerogative. They just seemed to have this thing where their people were in jail, but that didn’t have anything to do with holding us prisoner because their people were in jail, which we had nothing to do with. And we had a lot of elderly people around here, kids and whatever, and their lives were in jeopardy, they were in danger, and to me, I just lost all respect for them.

Mr. A: They told us, basically, “if you don’t help us, we’re going to irritate you so bad that the police are gonna come in,” but then what happened, we used to call the police, and the police used to say “we’re not coming in there. We can’t come in there. And you better not go in there messing with them. Just leave it alone.” A hands-off situation.

KR: Was this during Wilson Goode’s administration?

Mr. A: It was during Wilson Goode’s administration, when he got in office, because we had a meeting with him downtown one day and I remember, I said “Why don’t you do like [former mayor Frank] Rizzo did – just knock down the whole building?” He went off on me. He said “I’m not gonna do nothing.”

KR: Of course he wound up doing something even more extreme.

Mr. E: But what happened is, if you were following it very closely, he was pushed into it politically because who really pushed the button, and people don’t realize it, is Joan Spector. She pushed Wilson Goode to the point where he had to try to do something. She was a city councilperson; Arlen Spector’s wife. What happened was, Wilson Goode, before he turned it over to [police commissioner Gregore] Sambor, he kept putting it on the news, “Anybody with any peaceful solutions, please step forward and try to do something,” so people came through here and talked to them through the window and all of that kind of stuff, and so then, when he put it in the White man’s hands, that was it.

KR: So, once he turned it over to Sambor…

Mr. A: See, when a Black man says “I’m gonna kill you,” it doesn’t mean the same thing as when a White man says “I’m gonna kill you”; he literally is gonna kill you. We use that term all the time, “I’m gonna kill you.” It’s not the same.

KR: They’ll kill you for real.

Mr. A: That night just before the MOVE thing busted off, that was Sunday night, they were up there, MOVE people were saying that they were going to kill the White cops and all that. Getting into “The Dozens”.

KR: I understood that MOVE took the art of talking stuff to a new level.

MOVE 1Mr. A: That was a political thing to keep it hyped up. See, because they wanted a confrontation to try to get the people on their side. The whole issue, the whole thing boiled down to one thing – getting their people out of jail, and it’s still like that. That’s what it’s all about.

KR: Because their people are still in jail. The MOVE Nine are still in jail and one of them died [Merle Africa, 1998 – Editor].

Mr. E: That’s the whole issue. … But the deal is, if you go to war and you lose, hey, you’re fighting the system. You can fight the system like the NAACP, b.s.ing, or you can physically fight the system. And the NAACP is a good example because they spend a lot of money – they really don’t do that much, in my opinion anyway. What’s gonna happen, if you get back to the 60’s and all that stuff in my era, if you really checked it out, the people who really made the difference – they gave Martin Luther King the glory, because he was always talking about peaceful demonstrations … but the little communities … had the same agenda, “hey, I can’t work for these wages. I’m tired of these White people doing this to me.” Everybody was on the same accord. But … he was holding the Blacks back. Same thing in South Africa, Tutu, he was always “peaceful demonstrations”, they let Mandela out. [But] they’re worse off now with him being the president. Only thing he did was put a buffer on those Mau-Maus and the Zulus, they would have took over Africa. … And that’s what people don’t understand, these so-called Black leaders. And then after the civil rights thing in the 60’s, all these so-called preachers, “Oh, we’ll teach [you] how to be a carpenter, we’re going to go through all these programs and the money trickles down”; we don’t learn crap. The White people are still controlling, they’re still making all the money.

KR: It almost sounds like the philosophical argument between, say Booker T. – cast your bucket down where you are – and Garvey – the whole Pan-Afrikanist concept.

Mr. E: I was in church today, and this minister said something today that really blew my mind, and I said “Good, Blacks are finally coming out and saying the truth.” He was talking about Ethiopia and he was saying Jesus was a Black Ethiopian, he was a Black man. They don’t even teach that, the Bible was written about Black people basically, but Black people are never mentioned. So, everybody has an agenda, like MOVE has an agenda, but what makes a revolution is when everybody gets on the same accord, and they’re thinking the same way, “I ain’t taking this crap no more.” I don’t have to tell you, you don’t have to tell me, we just wake up one morning and you say “No, I’m not gonna do this no more,” and then that’s what the revolution is, the same thing is in everybody’s mind. But what the White man, the media does, he tries to pick the one that’s most peaceful; “hey man, let’s talk.” Just like Malcolm X; “let’s not do this, no.” The only way you get anything in the end is physical force, when you’re dealing with Whitey, you cannot make compromises, because he kills you every day. That’s the only way you can do it. That’s just my opinion.

“We were pawns in the game”

KR: I don’t know whether there’s any consensus around any of this or not, but, in looking at say, for instance, the way the MOVE Organization was dealing with whatever their grievances were, would you say that most of the Osage Ave. residents disagreed with the MOVE Organization itself, disagreed with its philosophy, or disagreed with its tactics?

Mr. B: Well, I think both the philosophy and tactics. …

Mr. A: Well, one thing I’ll never forget. It was Christmas Eve 1982. It was the first time we heard the bullhorns because everybody came to the door, and we were trying to figure out, What in the world was going on? All of a sudden we hear these voices and we’re sitting in there, getting ready for the holiday and everybody comes to the door, What was that? First thing they had was a speaker this big [about one foot tall], well that grew to a stadium-size speaker. And I remember, I used to talk to Conrad [Africa] all the time and one day Conrad came up the street, and we were standing out in front of my house, and I was complaining about what was going on, and he told me, right up front. He said, “All of what we’re doing, we’re not doing it because we have anything against you people as neighbors. But we need you to go to City Hall to get these people’s attention.” So we were used; he told me, point-blank. He said “We will use you to get to them.” We were pawns in the game.

KR: Had they ever approached you to ask you for your assistance?

Mr. A: They asked us. My answer to them was hey, I didn’t do it. I didn’t start it. I’m not in your organization. What can I do? You know, I didn’t start none of this.

KR: Did they try circulating petitions or anything like that?

Mr. A: I think they did do that one time.

Mr. E: I never got a clear-cut picture of what they really stand for. I still don’t know. Can you tell me what they stand for?

KR: Basically, what I understand about the MOVE Organization—this is primarily from what I’ve read in some books and some other things—is that essentially, they’ve been described often as a back-to-nature organization, and I don’t know that they necessarily describe themselves that way but that’s probably as close as you can get, at least with a cliché, in terms of what they were about. There were a number of things they did not believe in doing. Supposedly in Powelton Village this led to some difficulties smell-wise because they didn’t believe in the traditional way of, for instance, disposing of garbage. And that led to some difficulties with the Powelton Village neighbors but ultimately, I think, one of several mediators – and I want to ask you about whether any of these outside mediators came through either – I know they came through Powelton Village and they worked pretty extensively; I know Oscar Gaskins was a lawyer, Walter Palmer was a community activist.

What I also understood about them is that there were a number of other things that they didn’t believe in; for instance, one of the things Pam Africa talks about now is Ritalin. It’s being given to, apparently, a lot of children in a lot of public schools, apparently in Philadelphia, I know it’s in Baltimore, it’s in DC. And Ritalin is sort of like Prozac.

Mr. A: It’s to keep them calm?

KR: It’s supposed to deal with Attention Deficit and Hyperactivity Disorder, and that’s a major cause for her now, so she’s branched out a little bit now from just “Release Mumia, Release the MOVE nine…”

Mr. E: This is what fascinates me too, about this whole setup, you take the kid, you try to change the kid, when the kid comes. You stop it, you get it from the root. The parent is the root. That parent must be re-educated, because you go the malls and stuff. I was up at the Pathmark [grocery store] a couple of weeks ago and this man was talking to his daughter. He said “Look here, little b—-, if you don’t shut up, I’m gonna kick your ass.” I’m serious. This is a man, talking to a little kid, about 8 or 9 years old. That person needs to be re-educated, because people now don’t have any morals. Morals is out. The thing is, “Long as I don’t get caught.” It’s nothing to do with what’s right or wrong.

Mr. A: Well, you know what it is? The things that you are saying is symptomatic of what our society has come to. There doesn’t seem to be any civility out there anymore. It’s like people just don’t care. And you’re right—people need to be re-educated. They need it but they don’t want it. They seem to be satisfied with the status quo. But there’s many of us out there, just like you, that, we’re not satisfied with the status quo. [But] we’re not going to allow people like MOVE to just force their will on us. Everything that we did was within the law. We never stepped out of the boundaries of the law, even up to today.

Mr. E: There’s two laws; there’s man-made law, and there’s nature’s law; God’s law.

KR: Even that’s kind of close to a lot of things that I’ve heard come out in MOVE statements. There’s this one thing that I sometimes get a kick out of whenever this thought comes to my mind but it’s something that I’ve heard a lot, and it’s a quote: “Down with this rotten ass system.” And, basically, what they’re doing is they’re looking at a lot of the same things that we’re looking at, and their claim is that a lot of the things that are going on now in our community are the result of the influence on our minds by the prevailing system.

Mr. A: Can I ask you a question? They say “Down with the system” but did they ever come up with what they had to put in the place of the system that they want to take down? So you can’t take a system down, not unless you’ve got some idea as to replacing it. I’ll put it another way. We have a lot of radical groups in this country. They’re all out west and different places. They get their little cults … down in little villages. Just take your idea and move somewhere else with your little group, and leave me alone. I’m in the mainstream, I’m catching hell in the mainstream, right? But if I don’t really like it, I’ll go down south in the woods somewhere, okay? I’m not going to try to kill everybody off. My point is, if MOVE says “Down with this damn system”, what are you gonna put in its place?

Mr. E: But this system is corrupt and everything…

Mr. A: Well, we know that!

KR: I don’t think MOVE’s problem is even one of not having anything to replace it with, because, technically, if you were to ask any member of MOVE “What would

John Africa

John Africa

you replace the system with?”, they would say, “We have John Africa’s Guideline.” From what I understand, when John Africa first got a foothold in Powelton Village, he was walking neighbors’ dogs and then the Powelton Village people gave him a house in return for various handyman duties he was performing around the neighborhood, and then Donald Glassey, this White guy, comes in. He’s fascinated with the consistent way John Africa was living his life. And so they sit down, [John Africa] transcribes this Guideline, and it comes out to something like 800 pages long. Next thing you know, members of John Africa’s family are meeting in his house, some of his friends are coming along, and they’re having these study groups around the Guideline, and then that was basically the genesis of MOVE.

Mr. C: MOVE always said that Glassey, who I think was a student or something, was just – he just wrote down what John Africa told him. Glassey had no part in setting any guidelines, or establishing the concept or anything. He was just a viewer.

KR: I’ve also read he turned informant after a few years. Some people think he always was.

Mr. C: Well, I can believe that.

Mr. E: I used to see Glassey every day, I used to work at Temple, I used to go past there every day. And what really kicked off the thing with the MOVE people was they were going pretty good, walking the dogs and all, but when these White girls started hanging around there, that’s when the crap hit the fan.

KR: White girls became attracted to John Africa’s organization and all of a sudden….

Mr. E: Oh yeah, that’s when the crap hit the fan!

Mr. C: But what he’s talking about is a college community. We have our working-class White neighborhoods but …

Mr. E: What’s that campus? What’s that school down there?

Mr. C: Drexel.

Gentrification Looms Over Everything

KR: I think Drexel and Penn were buying up land in the Powelton Village area, so the residents had a beef – that was another thing, the residents of Powelton Village, even though there were a lot of White folks in that neighborhood, they had this major beef with Drexel and Penn gentrifying the neighborhood and they had a beef with Frank Rizzo, because they didn’t vote for Rizzo, they didn’t like Rizzo.

Mr. E: That’s political, same thing with Temple. The community was crying about that. Temple’s all into everything. They’re pushing everybody, they’re just pushing. Now you go down Diamond Street, they got all them White folks living there on Diamond Street. … White folks are gonna take over North Philly. They’re gonna actually take it over. People think you’re crazy when you say it but you watch what they’re doing. Now, [year 2000 Philadelphia Mayor John] Street, Wilson Goode and a couple other of the politicians and [prosecutor and future Pennsylvania governor Ed] Rendell, he went in with it, now they got these new homes they built down there, right off of Girard Avenue, around 15th… they got all these new homes around there. But see, they’re making these houses so high, the prices are gonna be so outrageous for Blacks, who’s gonna buy them?

Mr. C: Well, what do you think they’re trying to do around here?

Mr. E: Sure, it’s the same thing. All the White folks, they’re coming back into the city, because it’s too long a drive, they’re tired now.

KR: So the whole city’s basically being gentrified.

Mr. E: Sure, sure.

Mr. C: Yeah, it’s too high. … Except for this area right here. This area right here, that they call Cobbs Creek. This has 80% Black home ownership, and it’s the largest Black neighborhood in the city. It’s larger than Mount Airy, and all the rest of them. There’s no place else that you have a Black neighborhood where you have 80% Black home ownership. But the reason they can come into other neighborhoods is because of the lack of home ownership. Because a lot of times we are in places where we are renting, so we don’t have control over who comes in and takes over the properties. Here, they would like to come in here, but we’re not moving out, as a community. Because it’s a nice area, you’ve got the park, you’ve got transportation, you’ve got everything that anybody would want in a community.

Mr. A: Really it started coming back in the latter part of the 70’s. When I moved in, in 1976, that was the beginning, because I think that the interest rates were down to about 9 percent … and the interest rate I remember because a buddy of mine – I was saying “man, you better buy a house.” The interest rates went up to about 18, almost 20 percent.

Mr. E: Mine was about 5¾ when I bought mine.

Mr. C: There was a 6% interest rate back in around ‘70.

Mr. E: But I remember there were 4 houses over there, right?

Mr. A: In this general area there were about 8 houses that were empty, I remember. So, the whole area, there was a whole bunch. You can’t find one in this area now.

Mr. B: What it was back then, in the middle 60’s and early 70’s, you had the city, they wanted to come in here … and they wanted to run an expressway through here. So what they were doing, the city wanted to buy up all this land, all these houses around here … so what they were doing was trying to get the Black people so that they would move out of here. … Redlined this area. Couldn’t get a mortgage, couldn’t get a loan, couldn’t get anything. And, whatever came of it, I didn’t really follow it that much, but at that particular time they said they were trying to lay this expressway in here.

KR: Then you try to destabilize it, you funnel the drugs into this area of the city and then everyone’s gonna run.

Mr. C: And probably because there was so much home ownership, they couldn’t do it. Say, for example, there had been less home ownership, then they could have grabbed up all the houses that Blacks didn’t own, let ‘em go down so that the people that did own homes didn’t want to live next to this abandoned house – this is the way they’re doing it in north Philly – they just put everybody out, let the house go down, or let somebody live in there but the house is still going down. …

The Lack of Common Ground between Neighbors and MOVE

KR: The way it kind of looks to me, it looks like a lot of the things that we’re concerned with in general, are actually a lot of the same things MOVE were concerned with, but for whatever reason, they didn’t know how to make their point [to you].

Mr. A: The real problem we had with MOVE was they were selfish in what they wanted to do. The only concern they had was the concern for what was theirs, and what they needed to do. They weren’t concerned about our right to pursue happiness, our right for our families to be safe and secure. They had one agenda and that’s really what angered us. It wasn’t the fact that we didn’t want to help them. I feel as though if they had approached us in the right way, we may have been willing to assist them. But they forced themselves on us. They forced us into the middle of a conflict that we had nothing at all to do with. They forced us, and that’s the problem we really had with them … their back-to-nature situation, they forced this on us. They made us feel like we didn’t have a right to live. They had all the rights in the neighborhood and we weren’t going to allow that. So that’s where our problem really came in with the MOVE people.

KR: I guess part of the problem here is that, in order for agreements to come between MOVE and the neighbors of Powelton Village, you still had to have third-party intervention, so it wasn’t a situation where the two sides were going to see eye-to-eye just left to their own devices, because I’ve read about a number of the third-party interventions. I wrote some of the names down so I wouldn’t forget them – but it seems to me from here, and I don’t know how effective they were on Osage Avenue, but Walter Palmer and Oscar Gaskins seem to be the closest ones in Powelton Village to actually settling anything, because I think they had helped to broker a composting agreement with Powelton which basically had MOVE taking their garbage and cycling it in their backyard. The smell problem went down, the rat problem went down, MOVE got exercise, they sold compost to the neighbors. In other words it was something that the Powelton Village organizations and MOVE ultimately agreed on and that actually started to ease tensions in that area, but by then Rizzo had already instituted the blockade.

Mr. B: We didn’t have that here.

Mr. A: We had no intervention. We were left standing alone. We wanted the city, they didn’t want us. We wanted the politicians. They came in and they lied to us. So we were virtually left standing alone, fighting against something, we really didn’t know, from one moment to the next, what was gonna happen or what was gonna go on. But we knew one thing: we were gonna protect our families, at whatever cost it might take.

Mr. B: Not only that, when MOVE first entered the block, you would see maybe one or two of them. You didn’t pay them any attention. And as time went on and you started seeing more and more of them, moving into the house over there; this is, I would say, a pretty middle-class neighborhood here. Everybody tries to take care of their property. Then all of a sudden you turn around, you see boards being put all up on top of the houses, windows being boarded up, the driveway back there – this is a driveway for everybody that lives on that side of the street. Why is it that one family can say “this is mine, you can’t use it”? They didn’t take into consideration the other neighbors.

Mr. C: What Mr. B is talking about is, they blocked off the driveway from their property line on one side to their property line on the other side, because they were picking up all the stray dogs in the community. So they would start feeding them all kinds of raw meat and stuff, out in the driveway … but the stuff that wasn’t eaten, then the rodents came because you got the field mice and everything coming up, roaches and everything. … An exterminator could have bought an apartment on the block, if it was an apartment complex, and lived there and paid rent based on just going up and down. Because you would always have to keep going because there was nothing that they could do to stop the rodents from coming in because of the way they dealt with their feeding of these animals. Although they got out and they swept the fronts and they were clean in their own way, but then they were dirty in our way, because we’re not going to leave food and stuff out in the driveway because we know that that’s going to bring rodents.

KR: They were once quoted as saying, “As long as [the rodents] ate good, they didn’t bother us” in Powelton Village before the composting agreement. So it almost sounds as though, even though they had succeeded in coming to a composting agreement in Powelton, when they came here to Osage, they didn’t have that same practice when they got here automatically.

Mr. C: I think, here, it was different than down there. Down there, the city went to them, because that is like what we were talking about a little earlier. That’s rapidly being taken over by Drexel University. So that’s a Black area that the university and the city were trying to make White through expansion of the university. So the city wanted them out, so they would use whatever techniques available under the law such as health codes and this, that and the other.

KR: Did that make independent mediators more likely to try to get involved there too, because they had a concern over what Rizzo might do to them, or what Rizzo might do to the entire neighborhood?

Mr. C: I don’t know, but I think that that’s a good possibility because I think the Black community didn’t trust Rizzo because he had alienated himself from the Black community…

The Notorious Brutality of the Philadelphia Police Department

KR: Well, the regular police were called “Rizzo’s Thugs”. Amnesty International said they were the most brutal police force in the country, bar none.

The MOVE Nine after the 1978 assault.

The MOVE Nine after the 1978 assault.

Mr. C: I was on the police force myself, when Rizzo became commissioner. I was on there before he became commissioner, and I was on there when he became commissioner. And his philosophy was, shoot first, ask questions later. His philosophy was, a show of force, and if anybody had to use force he was going to back them up.

KR: So this started when Rizzo came into power?

Mr. C: Right, exactly. And so, the general feeling of the members of the police force is that they were above the law when it came to using deadly force because they thought that nobody on the police force was going to be disciplined. If you shoot someone unnecessarily and they die, it wasn’t going to be a problem. I’ve witnessed cases where unnecessary shootings were rewarded, so that the officers who did it were promoted.

KR: Well, you had something like that in Louisville last year, where an unarmed man was shot by police officers. The police chief, later that year had an awards banquet where he gave, among others – not just these two – but among other officers, he gave these officers medals, and the mayor turned around and fired the police chief for that, and then immediately after that, the rank-and-file police in Louisville started protesting, and they called it a “slowdown” where they stopped making as many arrests. The strange thing about it was that the number of arrests went down but the crime did not go up!

Mr. C: That proved the point that they were wrong from the beginning.

KR: And the community said “You’re not going to protect us!” And they said “Well, the slowdowns that we’re making in our arrests are, we’re not doing the kind of proactive policing that we were doing before.” So now it seems that the cliché has gone from “zero-tolerance” to “proactive policing” where if you’re reaching for your wallet, you may be reaching for a gun, let’s shoot you 19 times.

Mr. A: [Amadou] Diallo.

KR: Yeah, and Patrick Dorismond also. “You won’t tell me where the marijuana is?” Bang!

Mr. C: We had a guy around here, Dante Dawson, he was shot; remember that time, right when he’s sitting in his car. Very extreme – I mean, it’s not extreme by police standards, but it’s extreme by our standards because he was unarmed. He was asleep in his car, and when they approached him and he didn’t respond the way they ordered him to, although he was unarmed, then they opened fire on him.

KR: One of the things I read in some of these books is, actually, there was a difference between the regular police, who were the ones who have been accused of brutality, and George Fencl’s group, and they were considered a much more professional unit.

Mr. C: They were just an undercover unit. I worked undercover before. They’ll take, maybe, whoever they think might be good for undercover. They may take sharpshooters or something like that, put them in undercover, like narcotics or any kind of vices. They were like a vice squad. Gambling, prostitution, whatever. Fencl was the captain of an undercover unit, and they operated in a certain way. He got a lot of notoriety and a lot of acclaim for his results. Just an undercover operation that might have gotten a lot of publicity, but his people were taken from the general population of the police force. They weren’t like specially groomed for that. They just, maybe, had specific talents that could be utilized in something like that.

KR: So, was it maybe by virtue of the kinds of assignments they had or do you think it might have been by virtue of the kind of atmosphere they were working in that they didn’t get the same reputation as the regular police?

Mr. C: It was just because … the regular police weren’t on undercover, so they didn’t do, say maybe the large scale busts that Fencl’s group might do. They weren’t doing it on a regular basis like Fencl’s people. …

KR: But Philadelphia had gotten a pretty strong reputation for excessive force …

Mr. C: Brutality. Say for example, Rizzo, when I think he was commissioner, we had a situation where the schoolchildren felt like they were not being educated properly and they were protesting in front of the school administration building on Ben Frank Rizzo 1Franklin Parkway in center city. So Rizzo ordered the police to go in there with horses – it was the type of thing reminiscent of the protest marches in the South when they had the dogs and the horses and everything; I don’t think they had the water hoses but I think they had dogs and I know they had horses, and what they did was they beat up on school kids. So they treated the school kids, they didn’t treat them like they were school kids, they treated them like they were criminals. So I think that was one of the first instances of how bad our city police force could be when they would not understand how to handle school age children, when they would handle them the way they would handle hardened criminals. Rizzo had a reputation from when he was just a regular police officer as being a macho type of person. And so when he became police commissioner he just carried his reputation on and expanded it throughout the whole police force. And then you had those who had that mentality on the police force, adopted Rizzo’s tactics of brutality, especially when they knew that they weren’t going to be penalized. You had a whole lot of times when a guy had been arrested – he was stopped and they gave him a ticket, and maybe he was disorderly and so they arrested him. Then, a couple of hours later, he would be found hung in his cell. It was like more than a couple of occasions that that happened. They had a case where, down by the police administration building, a guy was arrested for stealing a car. And when they went to take him out of the police wagon to take him into the police administration building, he ran. Still handcuffed behind his back. So the police ran up on him, shot him in the head and killed him.

KR: We’ve had a number of cases like that in Maryland too. Archie Elliott III, handcuffed behind his back, strapped in the front seat of a police cruiser, and all of a sudden the two police officers claim that they saw him pointing a gun out of the window of the car. Now, how do you do that if you’re handcuffed behind your back, strapped in the front seat? You’ve got no gun because you’ve already been searched. You’re wearing a pair of cutoff shorts, some sneakers and no shirt. You’ve been searched and no gun has been found and yet somehow, you came up with a gun, pointed it out the window of the police cruiser with your hands cuffed behind your back. They shot him 12 times, through the door of the police cruiser and killed him. [Of course, by 2016 there have been countless more atrocities on Baltimore alone, most recently the murders of Tyrone West in 2014 and Freddie Gray in 2015, as well as police murders of unarmed Afrikan-American men and women across the country, and certainly many more will come to light as the year goes on – Editor.] 

Mr. C: That’s the type of thing that was happening. With the case that I just mentioned, it was found that the young fella owned the car. It was his car. He was just afraid. He was intimidated by the police. And rightfully so, because of what happened to him. He knew that this is how it was. So he didn’t want to be in the building with these police, not knowing what they were going to do to him, and tried to make a getaway. But the fact that they had to shoot him, with his hands handcuffed behind his back, tells you something. So that was the atmosphere during the Rizzo years.

KR: And in the middle of all of this, up pops MOVE.

Mr. C: Right. So MOVE didn’t care about Rizzo or none of his police, and they were back-to-nature, but they were also anti-government. And I think the main thing with MOVE, I think everybody, for the neighbors here, I think we all agreed that they had a right to their own opinion and a right to their own way of life, but we didn’t think they had a right to involve us in their plight, although they said it’s all of our plight, but we felt that we had a right to fight the official oppression the way we chose. We didn’t think it was right to force us to have to do it the way that John Africa dictated, because we didn’t all subscribe to John Africa. I don’t think there were any neighbors who subscribe to John Africa’s philosophy. They may have agreed with his identification of problems, but maybe his way of addressing it we didn’t agree with. I don’t think any of us would have brought our children into a place that we were having a standoff with the police in. So, we would say well, maybe we’ll take our kids somewhere else, leave them with somebody we would trust, family or whoever, rather than put them in harm’s way. I’ve heard the MOVE people say, “Well, we didn’t want them in the system, and if we didn’t have them with us they were going to be in the system and we’d feel like they were dead anyway.” We wouldn’t have taken that type of outlook on it. We would have said “Well, at least they’ll be alive to live another day,” and maybe they can figure a way to deal with the oppression rather than putting them in harm’s way and not giving them a decent chance to continue their lives. After all, they were children. They should have the right, we felt, to grow up and make their own decisions, once they were mature enough.

KR: You’re referring to their decision to keep everyone together in that house on Osage Avenue, even though they knew the assault was coming?

Mr. B: See, they used us as a shield, the neighbors as a shield, and the children as a shield. Before that confrontation, right before it, they set all the kids outside, on the steps, so I guess they more or less thought like, with the kids out there, the police would not try to initiate a confrontation…

KR: They probably figured that this government was far too civilized to bomb a house with children inside.

Mr. C: Right. They believed something that they preached against. They preached that the government was violent and they preached that you couldn’t trust them, but then they wound up trusting. They put their kids’ life on the line in trust of the same system that they said they didn’t trust. They contradicted themselves in that aspect.

KR: The wild thing about it is, when [official police] patience does run out [and they Move Nine Delbertchoose to attack] it seems to run out to the extreme. … And even here, you had the situation where they waited and they waited and they waited, Frank Rizzo barricaded them up for a year, tried to starve them out before he assaulted them back in 1978, but it was like, whenever the decision was made that, okay, we’re out of patience, we’re going to make a move, it’s always extreme violence and results in death. Here it was eleven people; in [the ATF assault on the Branch Davidians and David Koresh in] Waco, Texas it was 74; Ruby Ridge, Idaho – Randy Weaver was a racist, he admitted it, he was a White separatist, though it may be different from being a White supremacist – but they killed his 14-year-old son, killed his dog first, and they shot his wife in the face, when she was holding her infant in her arms. … She was shot from a distance of 200 yards.

Mr. B: We still don’t know what the circumstances might have been, the reason why. Like me, I spent 33 years in the military. We always plan our strategy, what we’re going to do and when we’re going to do it. So you sit down, you make your plans, you get your objectives and everything. And you keep doing it, and then you get to that point where you’re not getting any results. The final moment is coming, and you make your move. And I think this is to say that the city and everything with MOVE, Waco or whatever, after a while patience runs out and you’ll have no more sympathy.

KR: Well, looking at the Weaver situation, from what I’ve read so far, Weaver was acquitted on all the charges except one minor one leading up to the incident, and basically, he was also acquitted of all charges regarding the actions he took during the standoff. So they actually pretty much determined that he was shooting back in self-defense. In Waco, now there was a question as to whether or not the weapons that they had in Waco were really illegal weapons or not, there is some degree of question about the child abuse allegations that had been filed, so a lot of the charges that were leading up to a lot of these confrontations, upon further review, are being either revealed or being considered to possibly have been relatively minor and it makes you say “Well, why did we go through all of this stuff in the first place?” Randy Weaver is in an isolated cabin!

Mr. C: He wasn’t a threat to anybody, and that’s why he won his case – I don’t know if it was so many millions of dollars or so, but he won his case. But the same thing happened with Ramona. She was acquitted [of almost all of the charges against her], she represented herself in her case when she went to jail for inciting a riot. But every other charge they had against her was thrown out because they couldn’t substantiate it. And, the original arrest warrants that they had on the people were never substantiated as far as their validity. So, it was questionable whether Ed Rendell, the former mayor who was the DA at that time, had the proper evidence for Lynne Abraham who is the DA now and was a judge then …

KR: And she wants to see Mumia Abu-Jamal dead. There’s all kinds of connections here!

Political Connections and Cover-Ups?

Mr. C: You see, everybody who was connected with the MOVE case and with Mumia’s case, everybody with maybe the exception of the judge, everybody made progress in their careers. Like the DA who actually held that grand jury there, Ron Castille, he became a judge.

KR: He actually wound up being one of the people who decided that the Pennsylvania Supreme Court would not hear Mumia Abu-Jamal’s appeal, which a lot of people thought was very strange, when you have someone who was trying to convict him back in the 1980’s and now he’s sitting on the Supreme Court saying “We’re not going to review his case!” That’s like Sabo reviewing the appeal of his own conduct!

Mr. C: And that also happened [when] some of us from this block went to the Justice Department to get them to reopen the MOVE case.

Did the people die in the fire or were they shot?

KR: To reopen it?

Mr. C: Yeah, reopen the case, because it was found that there is a forensic pathologist who sent in a report to the MOVE grand jury that the deaths of those 11 people were homicides. There was another pathologist who was brought in to identify the sex and ages of the bodies. He also agreed that the deaths were homicides because they found bullets in several of the MOVE people. Also, they found that at least two heads were missing. From John Africa, I think Conrad Africa’s heads were missing. And saw marks on their necks. [In the] Temple University archives … we saw some of the pictures of the bodies that were fully clothed but were supposed to have burned up in the fire. But they were actually fully clothed. So that led us to believe that they were outside of the house when they were killed.

KR: Do you think they were killed by …?

Mr. C: The only people back there were police.

KR: Because Ramona did say when they tried to leave out of the back of the house they were shot at.

Mr. C: And so did the young boy. Birdie Africa said the same thing.

KR: Of course he turned on MOVE shortly after he got out.

Mr. C: He turned on MOVE but he never changed his story as to what happened that day. So he still says that – and he maybe had a personal problem with MOVE because he was a young man under the influence – but his testimony never changed and it still hasn’t changed today. [“Birdie Africa” would later change his name back to his given name, Michael Ward, and raise a family before dying on a cruise in 2014 – Editor.]

KR: That’s interesting because I don’t even know that the newspaper articles even talk about his testimony that you were just saying.

Mr. C: Well, they discounted his testimony because they said that he was too young.

KR: And he said they were fired upon?

Mr. C: He said they were fired upon. He even recounted what it sounded like. Tat-tat-tat-tat-tat-tat-tat-tat, like a machine gun, automatic weapons fire. So they both corroborated each other. But what happened was, when the grand jury was convened, and this particular doctor who was sent here to Philadelphia to monitor, to evaluate the Medical Examiner’s office here – the Medical Examiner’s office lost their accreditation at that time because they didn’t handle the autopsies properly – this doctor submitted his information to the DA’s office and they conveniently did not use that information. … The grand jury never heard his report that said that they were homicides. And the only mention of homicide that the grand jury heard was a little excerpt from the doctor who was brought in to tell the sex and ages of the bodies. So, his primary reason for being there was to determine sex and ages. So his focus was not on whether it was homicide or not, but he did put in his report that the deaths were homicides.

KR: Oh, he stuck it in there?

Mr. C: He put it in there, and they said there was no corroboration but they withheld information that [there] was. So it was strange that they withheld this – we didn’t find out about the withheld homicide information until after statute of limitations had run out, which in federal, it’s a five year statute of limitations. Now local it’s not, but federal civil rights violations is five years. So anyway, we went down there and everything, but what we got out of it – they turned us down – but we found out that Richard Thornburgh, who was the attorney general at that time, he had been governor, so when you mention about conflict of interest with Castille maybe, or his motivations being suspect, we had the same situation because the bomb was dropped by a helicopter that was property of the state, and the state governor was Richard Thornburgh. Then he went right to become attorney general, so quite naturally, the people who investigated the civil rights violations here were under his thumb, so he investigated himself!

Mr. A: We were blocked at every turn!

Mr. C: He investigated himself, and like I was talking to one of his assistants in Washington, and he said, really, they got away, he said, with the evidence that came out, it doesn’t matter. He said even if somebody comes out and admit that they did it, statute of limitations has run, so they’re not going to do anything because statute of limitations allowed them to beat it. So the reports were withheld until after that. We went on the fifth anniversary and we didn’t find out until after the fifth anniversary that this information existed. So here you actually have proof of homicide but you know what? No politician, no big-time civil rights advocate, including Johnnie Cochran – because I was in touch with Johnnie Cochran’s office and they were afraid to deal with it, and they passed it off they couldn’t do this, that and the other, so many reasons, but the end result was they couldn’t do it – because this is a situation where, if you are able to put a charge on somebody, you’re talking about a charge of murder. And when you’re talking about a charge of murder, you’re talking about linking these big politicians, not only them, but you’re talking about linking the President of the United States, because the C-4 was released by the FBI, which was the active ingredient in the bomb. And the attorney general at that time was Ed Meese. And he publicly said – I saw it on TV, he said to MOVE Bombing 1985g Helicopter Bomb DropWilson Goode – “Job well done” after everything had happened. Now, I have enough sense to know that the attorney general doesn’t authorize the release of a military bomb to a local police department unless they have a strategy that the President approves of, because he could get fired like that [snaps his fingers] doing something dumb like that. So, I do know from being on the police force, and which I know any of you all who have been in the service [also know], the chain of command is held in strict adherence, and a lot can happen to anybody who violates the chain of command. So anybody who tackles this case would be bringing out the responsibility for these murders by all these big political figures, all the way up to the President. So nobody, at all, ever, no law firm – I talked to a lot of law firms, I talked to a lot of big-time law people in the city and outside the city, and none of them had the courage. I talked to the ACLU and I talked to a lot of people. …

KR: The ACLU wouldn’t touch it?

Mr. C: The ACLU said they didn’t have the manpower to put on the case for the type of time they would need. So, it’s a murder case here, 11 murders that were swept under the rug, there’s evidence. I even talked to the district attorney on a radio program, Lynne Abraham. And I posed the question about this withholding of evidence to her, and that the evidence existed that there was homicide by this forensic pathologist, and what she did, she assassinated this guy’s character. She said “Well, I wouldn’t believe anything he said because I think he was removed from his position as a medical examiner” in such-and-such a place which was over in Jersey, “and I think he’s such-and-such” so she was saying he was not credible.

KR: She didn’t hire him, he was an independent pathologist?

Mr. C: He was independent, but when I talked with him, he said first of all, he never was removed from any position he ever has held, and he said second of all, she has and was currently using him as an expert witness for the prosecution while she was DA. So if she felt he was not credible, how could she use him for her side? So it was one of those things where some of these people will blatantly lie because if she had accepted that what I said was accurate, that it was homicide, then she would have to explain what transpired. So to avoid that, she just called him a big nothing, you know. So there’s a lot to this case here that has not hit, and the thing about the evidence of homicide, and that the medical examiner didn’t use the proper procedures and all of that, so they could not find the accurate reason why the deaths occurred and they attributed all the deaths to accident, because the fire caused them to die, and the fire was meant to do one thing but, inadvertently, another thing happened.

KR: Meant to blow a hole through the fortified roof and instead burned down the houses.

Mr. C: The bomb meant to blow a hole. The fire meant to drive them out. But instead they’re saying, they stayed in there. They tried to come out, they ran back in, and they just all perished right inside the building.

KR: Whereas instead, they actually ran out and they were shot?

Mr. C: And there was a TV news conference with the mayor, Wilson Goode at that time, and the police commissioner, Sambor at that time, where Sambor actually said that “the MOVE people ran out the house, they were running toward the parkway which is at the corner, they got halfway between the MOVE house and the parkway we’re involved in a gun battle with them right now.” And he said, “I don’t know if anybody was killed so far, but right now we’re involved with a gun battle.” So then he came back later in the same news conference and said, “Uh, excuse me, the alleged gun battle” – and he had just said it was a gun battle – “the alleged gun battle did not occur, and there never was a gun battle between MOVE and the police department.” So now you have him coming up with that. Where did he get this information from in the first place? Then you find out that you have people who were in the house, supposedly found dead in the house, fully clothed, but the house burned down to the ground, the whole three blocks is burned down, and they were inside the house but they were fully clothed. Not even a singe on their clothing.

Mr. A: Tell him where they found all the bodies.

Mr. C: Well they claim they found all the bodies within the MOVE house boundaries, property lines of the MOVE house, but human nature is going to tell people that nobody is going to run into an inferno.

KR: Only a horse runs into a burning barn.

Mr. C: And we’re not horses! So you actually had proof of homicide, based on circumstantial evidence, and the testimony of forensic pathologists, more than once so they can corroborate, all this information was withheld from the grand jury, and no one wanted to reopen the case to bring out, to allow the facts and the other information to come out. So right now it still stands as accidental deaths.

“We will kill you down to a little baby”

Mr. C: Right here they notified the hospitals that they had, like when they took out Birdie Africa and Ramona Africa, sent them to the hospital, they notified them to be ready, they were going to send some more people to the hospital. But then, they said all the people were dead. See what I mean? So the other people never materialized in the first place. So this is symptomatic of the entire country, this type of police operation, and I think what it amounted to was, I think the whole thrust is that the government is trying to scare anybody who may disagree with the government, who wants to protest, scare them to the extent to say “We will kill you down to a little baby.”

KR: And they make an example out of a group like MOVE who, because of the in-your-face, extremely radical way that they communicated their point, they’d be able to turn off a lot of people simply by virtue of their methods….

Mr. C: Well that’s what happened. That’s what happened something like with Hitler and Germany. Some of the well-to-do Jews, my understanding is that they OK’d some of the means and methods of Hitler that were put on the so-called lower-class Jews, and never realizing that it could happen to them, and then when Hitler said, “Okay, instead of just those Jews, now all Jews …” But same thing with MOVE. When it happened here, a lot of people felt like, “Well, they were like, terrible people because of the way they acted,” so a lot of people didn’t have a lot of sympathy for MOVE. But as time unfolded, as time went on and other atrocities unfolded, they found that the police – see, at that time, so much had happened in Powelton Village, but by and large, a lot of people who maybe weren’t grass-roots people, still felt like the police, if they ever did anything to you, it was because you were wrong. So in later years, after the MOVE thing happened, you started having other atrocities happening, here in Philadelphia and around the country, so it evolved to the point that people now recognize that the police are not always right, and they’re not always fair.

KR: Maybe MOVE had a point with a couple of those incidents.

Mr. C: Maybe MOVE was more right than wrong, because a lot of people today feel like no matter what MOVE’s method of protest was, they weren’t killing anybody. They inflicted imposition on us, the neighborhood, residents, but they weren’t killing anybody, so they didn’t deserve to be killed for their actions. Maybe they deserved to go to jail for six months or something like that, or 90 days or something like that, okay? But they didn’t deserve to be gunned down, a bomb dropped on them, we residents didn’t deserve to have them to burn the whole area out.

KR: Sixty-one houses?

MOVE Bombing 1985cMr. A: Using the flames as a tactical weapon.

KR: And they let it burn for a while.

Mr. A: Absolutely! They let it burn. They used it as a tactical weapon.

Mr. C: They said that there was a bunker on top of the front of the house, and since the bomb didn’t blow the bunker off the roof, they wanted to let the fire burn enough to burn the bunker off.

KR: As skilled as these guys are at imploding a large building without touching any of the properties on either side of it, you’d think they’d be able to exercise something like that with a little more precision.

Mr. C: Right. See, that was their story but we don’t believe that was their goal. Their goal was extermination.

Mr. A: Their intention was to do exactly what they did. That’s what their intention was.

KR: But why would they want the whole neighborhood gone?

Mr. C: Because then the evidence gets lost in the shuffle.

Mr. A: Why? Why? Because we’re Black folk. This isn’t the first time they’ve used the bomb on us. They did it once before in Philadelphia!

Mr. B: But not only that, they knew that John Africa was in there and the majority of the MOVE people were there. So therefore they figured if they could exterminate them and let the fire burn, get rid of MOVE, that would be it. But it failed on them.

KR: Pam Africa was not in there!

Mr. B: Right. Not only that, Ramona and Birdie escaped. But they figured, knowing that he was in there, he was the root of it. If they killed the head…

KR: Of course, they martyred him. Now, was there any sense among the neighbors, as the conflict was going on – because one impression I got after reading about Powelton Village and reading about everything that went before, was that, in many ways, the things that MOVE was doing and the way they were acting was more because of all the stuff that had happened before, whereas earlier on they might have been a little bit purer in their political focus, but as time went on and as their people got beat and as their babies died and as people got thrown in jail for a hundred years, that after a while maybe it affected them psychologically, to the point where now they’re just fixated on their own political prisoners?

Mr. C: Well, they were fixated on their strategy when they were down in Powelton Village, but they became fixated on getting those people who were arrested in Powelton Village out of jail. That’s why they did what they did here on Osage Avenue. They were on a mission from Day One. Because I had talked with them when they were down in Powelton Village. We knew some of them; the mother of one of the members and the sister of the founder lived on the block. So some of us had talked with them and they were on a real mission, but here their primary focus was on getting their people out of jail. And they told us, “We’re going to use you, because if we go out into the wilderness, nobody’s going to listen to us.”

KR: I remember reading that quote. They said “No one’s going to listen to us, so….”

Mr. B: They didn’t have the protection.

Mr. C: So they just believed in something they really said they didn’t believe in, and that was the compassion of the city, the government.

KR: It almost sounds like the difference between the rhetoric and whether they really thought they would do it. They threw the rhetoric out there that these people are snakes, they’re cancerous, they don’t care what they have to do to whom, and yet they still gave them some small credit for being civilized enough to not kill them all.

Racial Politricks

Mr. C: I think that was attributed to the fact that we had a Black mayor. See, because this was our first Black mayor, and I think they really felt that a Black mayor would not allow it to happen. And they didn’t consider that maybe this Black mayor might be constrained by other government, and as we found out, the federal government was involved. So, maybe if they had analyzed it that way, then they wouldn’t have put so much trust in this Black mayor.

KR: Was there any sense here, among the neighbors in general, that MOVE, through their in-your-face actions, was showing up Wilson Goode? I know, for instance, in Baltimore City, I know that there were a number of people who were so much behind Kurt Schmoke, not necessarily because of his record, but because of the fact that he was the first elected Black mayor of Baltimore City, and they didn’t want to see him embarrassed. Was there any sentiment along the lines of, These folk up here are basically making a fool out of the first and maybe the only Black mayor in Philadelphia’s history?

Mr. B: No, I wouldn’t say that. I think what it was, Goode would show more sympathy because they were Black. But, here’s the thing also. If you remember, the police and the fire department, their contract was screwed up, and Goode did not give them what they were looking for in a contract, and it was brought out that the police department and the fire department – especially the police department – had a gripe with Goode. And so therefore, in order to show Goode up, to get even with him, this was Sambor – he was the police commissioner, and to me, he was one of the biggest racists around.

KR: So Sambor, if anyone, was the main person who was trying to show Goode up, to make him look like a fool.

Mr. B: So, this was to disgrace the mayor.

KR: Now, there was one other thing that I had read, that when Wilson Goode was the city manager…

Mr. C: Managing director.

KR: Yes, when he was the managing director. He had implemented a whole lot of things. He’d had a Crisis Intervention Network … supposedly in part as a result of the 1978 confrontation, so he puts this entire network of agencies that are supposed to deal with these kinds of situations, he puts that in place, but then as mayor, he doesn’t use it here.

Mr. C: Well my understanding is, I don’t know what he put in place…

MOVE Bombing 1985aKR: I even heard they de-funded it! I heard Bennie Swans was frustrated because they were getting ready to de-fund the whole thing because they thought they were too activistic in ‘78.

Mr. C: Well, I don’t know what Wilson Goode did as far as initiating crisis intervention or funding it or what have you, but I do know some of the people who were in that crisis intervention and who I saw out here, but at a certain point they were told to discontinue negotiations.

KR: Yeah, they were told to go away.

Mr. C: Right. So, in effect, the use of trained crisis negotiators was taken away. So they had no professional negotiators to attempt a resolution with MOVE after a certain point. Like, in the last days before they had this attack on MOVE, you had some political types to come out.

KR: I’m surprised they didn’t call up Walter Palmer on the Bat-Phone right away, because from what I’ve read, in Powelton Village, he came the closest to actually solving everything. They’d actually come up with an agreement on May 5, 1978. They had an agreement that had MOVE vacating the house, that had them finding another place to live, but supposedly a number of things happened. I think the farm had something to do with it, I think Delbert Africa was concerned that they were either going to be used as slave laborers on the farm or else the farm was surrounded on three sides by a marsh and it was a setup, to get them out of the public eye, to get them away from witnesses, so they could be exterminated. Which was the reason why Geronimo [jiJaga] Pratt, in 1970, fought off the police in L.A. for four hours because he said, “We’re not giving up until the press and the general public are here to see it, because if we surrender you’re going to do the same thing to us that you did to Fred Hampton, which is execute us. So there seemed to be at least some precedent – whether or not MOVE’s concern was rational I don’t know – there seemed to be some precedent for saying “We don’t want to be put in a position where we’re going to be isolated, there’ll be nobody there to see what happens to us.”

Mr. C: That could be also, and probably was, but their strategy said that they should be here because, in order to be heard, they had to be in an urban environment, because if they’re voicing their complaints and they’re out in the wilderness nobody’s going to hear them.

KR: If a tree falls in the forest and nobody hears it, does it make a sound?

Mr. C: Here, they just disrupted our lives, which they told us that was their method, to make us mad enough to go to City Hall, and make City Hall mad enough to come out and try to resolve it. So, I think they had to have it in this type of environment in order to get the result that they wanted. But it just goes to show you that the government found another way to beat a murder rap, so they didn’t care if it was on TV, in an urban environment, right in a little row house block, surrounded by people. They didn’t care. They were still going to commit murder. But the way that they go about beating a case is controlling the evidence.

KR: Just like they bulldozed the Powelton Village house the day after the assault.

Common Oppression, but No Common Philosophy

Mr. B: There’s something. To have a confrontation with the city because you have members in jail and you want them out. You have your confrontation, and where are those members now?

KR: They’re still in jail. They did not succeed.

Mr. A: The best laid plans of mice and men.

Mr. B: They had a bad strategy. In other words, we are members of the same community as MOVE, so we share the same oppression that they share. They had their way to deal with it, we had our way to deal with it, they were different ways. But, no way is good when I’ve got to hurt somebody that I’m on the same side with to get to the person who I’m against. Why should I go against my own brother to try to get to somebody over this? That’s what they, in fact, did to us. They stepped on us to get to the city.

KR: Do you think a coalition could have been made…

Mr. C: No. Us and them?

KR: From the beginning, if, maybe, some of the things that had been done hadn’t been done?

Mr. C: No. Because they were fixated with John Africa’s strategy. And so we could never have compromised a direction … and come to agreement on a strategy that we could agree to because it was either their way or no way. You see what I mean? So, we didn’t have a choice because we couldn’t subscribe to what they were going to do, and they didn’t have a choice because they couldn’t subscribe to what we were going to do.

KR: So, it’s almost like a “lose-lose” situation, then?

Mr. C: Well, that’s what happened.

Mr. B: Like I said, it was a bad strategy, eleven lives lost, and the members are still in jail.

Mr. D: What I still can’t understand, is why they kept the kids in the house.

Mr. C: Because they felt like Wilson Goode had compassion and authority.

KR: Some people would say it was the same reason that Dr. King had children in the marches in Birmingham, Alabama. There were children in those marches. There were men, women and children who were marching peacefully through the streets, and they were getting hosed, and they were getting attacked by dogs.

Mr. A: And MOVE didn’t learn anything from that, because it didn’t work then and it wasn’t going to work for them. They got more than what they really bargained for. They never imagined, they never imagined. …

Was MOVE as “Dangerous” as the Hype?

KR: I’ve heard claims that MOVE’s weapons were inoperative. Was there anything behind that?

Mr. C: Well, they only had a couple of weapons in the first place. I think they had a revolver, a shotgun and a rifle or something like that. They only had two or three. And I don’t know if they were inoperable or not, but it was never proven – and this is what the whole thing was based on, the attack was based on this – the attack was based on that MOVE people shot at the police, and that the police retaliated.

KR: In Chicago, they tried to say the same thing about Fred Hampton. Never any evidence that bullets came out of Fred Hampton’s house.

Mr. B: I don’t know who fired first. My wife and I were sitting right there at 63rd and Spruce when the first rounds were fired, then the “pinging” and bullets flying across the parkway, and it scared me so, I’m sitting right there, I’m trying to start the car to get out of the way, the door flies open, I’m about to fall out of the car, you know what I mean? And the cops are running, and one thing that was happening…one police officer was down, they dragged him down Pine Street, they threw him into an emergency vehicle. We never heard anything else about it.

Mr. C: And see, they also brought somebody out of the park down here. And nobody ever heard anything about it. A lot of strange things that happened with this whole thing, because at one time it was thought that the MOVE people had dug and tied into the sewer system.

KR: And they supposedly planted explosives [a rumor that was never supported by any evidence] in the neighborhood too. Did anybody really buy into that?

Mr. C: Well, we weren’t sure. Because we know that they had gas cans up on the roof. And we know they were in a state of mind where we couldn’t be sure what they would do or what they wouldn’t do. So we felt like it was a possibility because we felt like, maybe, if the police came in and they got to a certain point where they might detonate something around here–we didn’t know–it was hard for us to know what they would do.

Mr. A: They moved a lot of dirt out of there. It was kind of deep. It was interesting watching them build the bunkers on the houses, and watching the police sit up there and watch them build the bunkers. …

Mr. C: Well I hope you got something for your report.

The MOVE Nine after the 1978 assault.

The MOVE Nine after the 1978 assault.

KR: I expected it to be a very positive and eye-opening thing for me, because, basically, the impression that was given by what I’ve read and what I’ve seen was that Powelton Village was an integrated community where they didn’t like Frank Rizzo, so they were kind of supportive of MOVE. Osage Avenue was a Black community they were supportive of Wilson Goode and they didn’t like the fact that Wilson Goode was being made a fool of by MOVE so Osage Avenue was nowhere near as tolerant of what was going on with MOVE as Powelton Village was. And I’m coming to see that that’s really a ridiculously simplistic analysis of the whole situation. I mean, there’s a whole lot more going on there than who the mayor was and what the racial makeup of the community was. It would seem to me, more than anything else, it was more the fact that by the time MOVE got here, their whole attitude had been ratcheted up several times. I mean, however freaked out they were in Powelton Village, I’m thinking that, if I’m freaked out in Powelton Village and the official response is to assault my house, convict nine people of shooting one bullet into one police officer [James Ramp] when they don’t even know what gun it came from, they don’t know what direction it came from, they don’t know if it was friendly fire or not….

Mr. C: But see, the thing is, they do know. They know the bullet came from behind…

KR: They know that?

Mr. C: That was a fact proved by the medical examiner.

KR: They know that the wound in the front of his neck was an exit wound?

Mr. C: Right.

KR: Did they know he was rushing the house at the time?

Mr. C: Well, I don’t know, I don’t know that. But I do know that the trajectory was inconsistent with where MOVE was located, so MOVE couldn’t have fired it.

KR: Okay. I’ve heard that contention, but only from MOVE. First time I’ve heard it from somebody other than MOVE.

Mr. C: Well that was a known fact, and that’s why MOVE was protesting so vehemently about it, because they said “There’s no way we could have killed him. We didn’t even fire any weapons.”

KR: And then nine people get nailed for one bullet.

Mr. C: But the law is that if you participate in an act that causes a death then you’re as guilty as the shooter.

KR: As a matter of fact, they were saying that in the case of the MOVE Nine, they were saying that the third degree murder conviction that they got nailed with was a compromise verdict and they could easily have been convicted of first degree. But, third degree murder as a compromise verdict and they’ve been in jail for how long?

Mr. A: A hundred and nine years they got!

KR: They’ve been in jail since 1978, Merle Africa has since died of ovarian cancer. So Merle Africa’s was a death sentence, because she died two years ago. [Of course, by now we have also lost Phil Africa, as of January 2015 – Editor.]

At this point, I said my final good-byes to my gracious hosts and spent a few minutes reflecting on the story that had unfolded here and the unexpectedly thoughtful perspectives they shared with me.  Today, sixteen years after our discussion and thirty-one years after the MOVE bombing, I remain thankful that these gentlemen allowed me to visit their once war-torn community and talk with them about this critical issue in their homes.  It was my hope, with this interview, to gain a better understanding of how the “average person” might have seen what was perhaps the most misunderstood military-style attack on a civilian population in modern American history.  I went in expecting to hear the opinions of “good citizens” who were fiercely critical of MOVE and their philosophy, and who would have little sympathy for their political struggle.  What I came away with instead was the knowledge that, while the “average person” may not understand the philosophies and methods of those who we refer to as “revolutionaries”, they do agree, at least on a basic level, with the idea of oppression and that, somehow, such repression must be resisted.  Perhaps that is a place to start.

One Year After the Baltimore Uprising, A Community Still Remembers

Freddie Gray MuralOne year has passed since the death of Freddie Gray in police custody and the Baltimore Uprising that followed it.  Police Commissioner Anthony Batts has been fired, replaces by Kevin Davis.  The Maryland Legislature passed reforms to the hiring, firing and discipline procedures of the Baltimore Police Department in April, but did not make much-needed changes in the Law Enforcement Officers Bill of Rights (LEOBR), such as the institution of civilian review boards or the elimination of the ten-day “waiting period” before a police officer must officially answer charges regarding brutality cases. And while the case of Freddie Gray continues its agonizing creep towards what people hope will be some form of justice, the cases of Tyrone West (who was killed by police two years ago) and Keith Davis Jr. (who survived an encounter last summer), two other recent victims of police violence, remain unresolved to the satisfaction  of their families and of community activists, and more instances of police brutality and misconduct have been uncovered over the last year by quick-thinking community members armed with cell phone cameras.

Articles have been written in such publications as the Baltimore Sun, the Baltimore City Paper, Black Enterprise magazine, the Intercept (“After Freddie, We Woke Up”, https://theintercept.com/2016/04/26/a-year-after-the-baltimore-uprising-the-real-work-is-just-beginning/) and others.  Countless radio talk shows have discussed the ongoing and festering situation in Baltimore City – crime, economic depression, continued incidents between citizens and police, and what many see as a mass media that fails, or refuses, to understand the institutional racism that underpins the current system.

Keeping the Fire Lit

While some of us have moved on with our lives in an attempt to “transcend” (read “forget”) what happened last year (despite the constant updates on the trials of the six police officers involved in his death) and the mass media has put its own spin on what led to the Uprising, several local and regional activist organizations refuse to forget and are doing what they can to ensure that we don’t forget either. 

There have been protests and commemorations of Freddie Gray to nark this grim one-tear anniversary.  The Sandtown neighborhood where Freddie lived has seen an increase in community organizing in the last year.  And organizations continue to hold discussion forums and community-organizing events to shake us all awake and, hopefully, keep us there.

On Friday, April 29, Leaders of a Beautiful Struggle (LBS) held A Year After the Uprising: Reflections from the Grassroots, a discussion as part of their Malcolm X Talks series in which they discussed the issues of income inequality, gentrification and police violence and misconduct that still fester in Baltimore City and which, given sufficient provocation, could lead to another Uprising.  Issues of what LBS leaders Dayvon Love and Lawrence Grandpre describe as “Anti-Blackness” in their recent release The Black Book were discussed in the context of the political, social and economic situation in Baltimore City, and several members of the audience shared their thoughts and concerns in what was a lively discussion of institutional and systemic racism in Baltimore.

A Solidarity Statement from Black-Led Organizations

LBS was not the only organization speaking out in observance of the one year that has passed since Freddie Gray’s death and the Baltimore Uprising.  The Public Justice Center (info@publicjustice.org) released the following announcement and then shared a joint statement from nine Black-led organizations:

On April 18th, leaders of nine Black-led organizations working for racial justice and economic development in Baltimore’s Black communities released a Statement of Solidarity to commemorate the first anniversary of the Baltimore Uprising. Their statement offers a counter-narrative to the mainstream media’s framing of last April’s events: making clear that the Uprising was not just about the death of Freddie Gray, and that Black-led as well as other organizations continue to work in those communities the media and policy makers have forgotten.

The Public Justice Center is one of those other organizations, and fully supports this Statement of Solidarity and its commitment to community-led struggle. The PJC is currently a white-led organization. We use legal tools to pursue social justice, economic and race equity, and fundamental human rights.  

Many of our projects target the issues that impact neighborhoods like Mr. Gray’s, neighborhoods that experience historical and current police abuse and racist disinvestment, and the entrenched poverty, lack of economic opportunity, and substandard housing that are its consequences. We represent tenants facing eviction and substandard housing conditions, workers whose earned wages are stolen by their employers, homeless, foster, and unaccompanied youth who are struggling to get their free and appropriate public education, and families who desperately need health care.

One of our projects specifically supports community organizing efforts that are Black-led and whose membership is of the impacted neighborhoods. The Public Justice Center and Right to Housing Alliance (RTHA) released the report Justice Diverted: How Renters Are Processed in Baltimore City’s Rent Court. Now the PJC’s Human Right to Housing Project is working with the 7,000 Families Campaign, whose coalition members include RTHA, Baltimore Bloc, Showing Up for Racial Justice, Jews United for Justice, Bristol House, Chase House, and BALT, and is demanding reforms at the courts, City Hall, and Annapolis.  

The PJC is also a founding member of the Baltimore Housing Roundtable, which released the report Community + Land + Trust: Tools for Development Without Displacement. The Baltimore Housing Roundtable is advocating for community-controlled land trusts to wrest control of our housing from developers and governments, and to create affordable housing and good paying jobs for low-income residents.

The media and policy makers may have moved on from the people who live in neighborhoods like Freddie Gray’s, but the Movement has only grown stronger in the last year, and the Public Justice Center is committed to being a supportive ally in solidarity with community-led and Black-led organizations.

We’ve decided to share that Statement of Solidarity here:

Statement of  Solidarity from Black-led Organizations
Commemorating 1 Year Anniversary of Baltimore Uprising

On April 18th — one day before the death of Freddie Gray — concerned Baltimoreans protested in front of the Western District Building: an initial and powerful symbol of community coming together to protest police abuses in African American communities. For a little over 2 weeks, “mainstream” media developed as its primary narrative one of “violent rioters” with little historical context or analysis.

On this one-year Anniversary of the Baltimore Uprising, we the undersigned — leaders of Black-led organizations working for racial justice and Black economic development — offer the following narrative: one in which “mainstream” media has shown no interest, and one that is happening every day in communities of color like the one in which Freddie Gray lived and died:

  • The Baltimore Uprising was not just about the death of Freddie Gray. The Uprising was the birth of a social movement that is multi-faceted, still developing, and operating as direct service in communities, advocacy efforts regarding policy, philanthropic efforts, and collaborative efforts to promote and support Black empowerment, leadership, and agency.
  • Black-led, as well as other, organizations continue to work in those communities the media and policy-makers have forgotten. From the focus on creating more effective philanthropy and equitable policies by an Associated Black Charities or an Equity Matters; to clothing and food drives and policy advocacy by a Leaders of a Beautiful Struggle; to addressing the mental health and healing needs by a Black Mental Health Alliance; to using faith as a social change tool like a KineticsLive or a Muslim Community Cultural Center of Baltimore; to providing world-class data and other analysis from an African American worldview by a Morgan State University Institute of Urban Research; to teaching our children from an African Diasporic perspective by Orita’s Cross Freedom School and Pleasant Hope Baptist Church; to consulting and coaching for institutional transformation toward racial equity by Baltimore Racial Justice Action: the fight for justice for children, families, and communities of color has never stopped.
  • We acknowledge the Generational Struggle. Many would say “this is not your granddaddy’s movement.” And it is not. Today, even in the midst of injustice we have more protections than our foremothers and fathers and we give thanks to those upon whose shoulders we stand. We also recognize the differences in today’s Movement and while we honor the past, we understand that each generation forges its own way and re-makes the Movement in the image of the social circumstances and injustices of the day while maintaining its continuous generational cord. And as a multi-generational movement, we are unwavering in our support of each other.

And so this Movement stands.

We stand in the umbrella of what happened to Freddie Gray and a multitude of others across the country, and in the hope that justice will be done for those accused.

We understand that “universalists” policies that perpetuate and then ignore racialized implementations and impacts are inexcusable forms of violence that our children have to face every day; forms of violence that truncate their opportunities and access, and in doing so, kill their futures. We clearly see that this violence is so normal — and color-coded — that it is easy to deny and normal to ignore.

And we stand in the knowledge that – despite the prevailing social narrative — we continue to be committed to saving ourselves.

On this one-year anniversary of the Baltimore Uprising, we recommit: recommit to fighting for a future for our young ones and our Elders, for those disenfranchised, and for those who have economically “made it” but still live in the shadow of America’s “original sin”: racism.

We understand that after 400 years, our story is still being written and told but this time, the narrative will be our own.

We, the undersigned, are still in The Struggle, remembering Freddie Gray and all who have come before – and preparing those who will emerge.

SIGNERS*:

Associated Black Charities
Baltimore Racial Justice Action
Black Mental Health Alliance for Education & Consultation, Inc.
Equity Matters and Baltimore Regional Collaborative for Health Equity
KineticsLive
Leaders of a Beautiful Struggle
Morgan State University Institute of Urban Research
Muslim Community Cultural Center of Baltimore
Pleasant Hope Baptist Church

 

*WE WELCOME ALL OTHER SIGNERS TO THIS STATEMENT

Rest In Power, Political Prisoner Mondo we Langa

Mondo we LangaFor a brief time between the years 2010 and 2012, I had the privilege to correspond in writing with Omaha, Nebraska Political Prisoner Wopashitwe Mondo Eyen we Langa  (born David Rice), also known as Mondo we Langa or simply “Mondo” for short.  Our correspondence led me to write a few articles in KUUMBAReport Newsletter about his case.  During that period, I would occasionally be invited to Political Prisoner events in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania and New York City to speak about Marshall “Eddie” Conway, another Veteran of the Black Panther Party as was Mondo, who was also serving a life sentence on what we believe to be trumped-up charges of murdering a police officer, this one in Baltimore, Maryland.  I would make it a point to also discuss Mondo’s case as I talked about Eddie.  Eddie Conway is now free, having been released from prison two years ago.  But Mondo’s freedom would only come through an embrace by the Honored Ancestors.

My communication with Mondo broke off after a few years, an oversight which I had planned to correct later this year as my schedule became less hectic. But time waits for no one, especially not those of us who languish behind the walls of unjust imprisonment.  The harsh reality of incarceration for one’s political organizing, under the guise of a trumped-up charge which any cursory review of the evidence would make clear, certainly makes such imprisonment all the more difficult to bear.  Eventually, the body weakens, even when the spirit remains strong.

My failure to maintain my communication with Baba Mondo is now a sin – yes, a sin – which I will not have an opportunity to correct.  Sadly, Mondo suffered respiratory failure on March 11, 2016 and has transitioned to the Ancestors.  What follows is my feeble attempt to pay homage to his memory, with the aid of perhaps Mondo’s greatest champion in the press over the last several years.

Michael Richardson, journalist for the COINTELPRO Examiner (http://examiner.com) is the most prominent and perhaps the only journalist in the country to have consistently reported on the case of the men who came to be known as The Omaha Two over at least the last several years.  Thus, it is no surprise that the bulk of the current information on the case of Mondo we Langa and Ed Poindexter has come from his articles, and there is much more on the Examiner web site than we could relate here.  Mr. Richardson is to be saluted for his commitment to uncover the truth about the unjust prosecution of The Omaha Two, especially in light of recent revelations concerning admissions of former president Richard Nixon’s aide John Ehrlichman (http://www.cnn.com/2016/03/23/politics/john-ehrlichman-richard-nixon-drug-war-blacks-hippie/index.html) about the use of the “drug war” and other fictitious or exaggerated crime statistics to unjustly criminalize Black and anti-war activists in the 1970s.

From Michael Richardson’s articles in The Examiner:

Mondo we Langa died on March 11 of respiratory failure at the Nebraska State Penitentiary where he had served forty-five years of a life sentence. Mondo and Edward Poindexter were convicted of the 1970 bombing murder of an Omaha policeman following a controversial April 1971 trial marred by a withheld FBI Laboratory report, tampered dynamite evidence by ATF, and false testimony by Omaha police and Duane Peak, the confessed bomber. The pair, later called the Omaha Two, had been targeted because they were leaders of Omaha’s chapter of the National Committee to Combat Fascism, a Black Panther affiliate group.

The Omaha Two were convicted after a controversial trial marred by a withheld FBI Laboratory report as a part of the infamous COINTELPRO operation. Additionally, the clothing of both Poindexter and Mondo turned up with dynamite particles, after the clothes were in custody of the Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms Division. ATF was engaged in an intense rivalry with the FBI for jurisdiction of bombing cases. A published photograph in the Omaha World-Herald of Mondo with his hands in his pockets disproves that dynamite particles were there at the time of his surrender. Mondo’s hands tested clean despite an allegedly dirty pocket. At the local police level two different detectives, Jack Swanson and Robert Pfeffer, have both claimed under oath to have found dynamite in Mondo’s basement, each one contradicting the other.

Mondo and Poindexter were leaders of Omaha’s affiliate chapter of the Black Panther Party called the National Committee to Combat Fascism. The two men were also named targets of the clandestine COINTELPRO counterintelligence operation conducted by the FBI under J. Edgar Hoover. The Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms Division was in a fierce rivalry with the FBI over the investigation of bombings and had also targeted Mondo and Poindexter under the so-called Midwest 22 investigation.

Agents of both the FBI and ATF joined the Omaha Police Department in making a case against the two Panther leaders for the August 17, 1970 bomb murder of Patrolman Larry Minard, Sr.

Mr. Richardson’s articles laid bare the instances of tampered evidence, withheld testimony and fabricated evidence against The Omaha Two. The Examiner article “Former governor condemned Nebraska justice in Omaha Two case” (http://www.examiner.com/article/former-governor-condemned-nebraska-justice-omaha-two-case) shared the accusations of former Nebraska governor Frank Morrison regarding police and prosecutorial misconduct in the case:

The late Frank Morrison, a former Nebraska governer, was appointed Douglas County Public Defender in Omaha in 1971. Three months into his new job, Morrison defended Edward Poindexter, a Black Panther leader, at a murder trial where Poindexter faced the electric chair. Poindexter and co-defendant Wopashitwe Mondo Eyen we Langa, former David Rice, were charged with the bombing death of Patrolman Larry Minard, Sr.

Morrison managed to keep his client out of the electric chair but failed to clear Poindexter of the charge. … However, what neither attorney nor client knew was that the evidence was tampered with in the case and that the two defendants, now known as the Omaha Two, were targets of a clandestine counterintelligence program of the Federal Bureau of Investigation.

Morrison made a public apology to Ed Poindexter in 1997 for his handling of the case.

“As a citizen, a former prosecutor and Governor of this state, I abhor, detest and condemn the cowardly, cruel and unjustified murder of officer Minard. My heart aches for his family. The guilty parties should pay the penalty. The self-confessed murderer was turned loose after a slap on the wrist.”

“In my opinion, it is just as important for the state to protect the innocent as to prosecute the guilty. As Public Defender of Douglas County, it was my official duty to represent Ed Poindexter. He told me then that he was innocent of this crime, and I still believe him. We did not have the resources in the Public Defender’s office to get all of the facts in this case. … Racial feelings in North Omaha were rampant….It was impossible for them to get a fair trial. … I firmly believe that with adequate funds to investigate the case, I could have cleared both Rice and Poindexter in spite of the poisoned atmosphere created by racially inspired rhetoric. … I had been a prosecuting attorney, Governor, and Chairman of the Board of Pardons and Paroles. I was acquainted with many of our justice system’s shortcomings, but nothing brought it home to me like serving as Public Defender. In practice, there was no such thing as equality before the law.”

Frank Morrison went to his grave believing in the innocence of Ed Poindexter and considered the conviction of the Omaha Two as the lowest point of his professional career.

Mondo we Langa, left, during his arrest.

Mondo we Langa, left, during his arrest.

But Morrison was not the only prominent official whose investigation concluded that Mondo and Ed Poindexter were railroaded. In the article “Forensic expert suspected ATF tampering of evidence in Omaha Two case”  (http://www.examiner.com/article/forensic-expert-suspected-atf-tampering-of-evidence-omaha-two-case), Fred Whitehurst, a retired FBI Laboratory supervisor, makes several shocking allegations:

Retired FBI Laboratory supervisor Fred Whitehurst provided professional consultation to the Nebraskans for Justice beginning in 1999. Whitehurst, a sixteen-year FBI veteran, was for a number of years the FBI Laboratory top explosives expert. Whitehurst turned his forensic investigative skills to the Omaha Two cases of Edward Poindexter and Wopashitwe Mondo Eyen we Langa (former David Rice).

Whitehurst ended his career with the Federal Bureau of Investigation in 1998 as a whistleblower against sloppy science at the FBI Laboratory. Whitehurst’s disclosures uncovered and reported scientific misconduct which forced the Bureau to adopt forty major reforms, including an accreditation process.

Whitehurst’s critique also impugns the involvement and conduct of ATF Agent Thomas Sledge, a former Omaha policeman, who was in charge of the evidence. Part of that evidence included dynamite particles that were allegedly found in the clothing of Mondo and Ed Poindexter, particles that Whitehurst is certain were planted.

Sledge also spearheaded the Midwest 22 investigation, a four-state conspiracy case the United States Attorney later ordered dropped. Seven of the witnesses at the Minard murder trial were also subjects of Sledge’s Midwest 22 investigation. Sledge’s brother, James Sledge, an Omaha patrolman, was injured at the scene of the Minard bombing.

“I am troubled by the fact…Thomas Sledge was allowed to conduct this investigation. It is not even short of outrageous,” wrote Whitehurst.

“There is mention of dynamite particles found. I still find that suspicious. The dynamite is in cartridges that don’t need to be opened ever except to punch a hole in them and stick a blasting cap in them. But there are dynamite particles in many places. This is not right. …Something doesn’t add up here unless that evidence was salted.”

Tributes for Mondo we Langa

Mr. Richardson also included tributes to Mondo from those who knew him. Indeed, his articles are a treasure trove of information on one if the United States’ longest-held Political Prisoners.  A witness for Mondo ay his trial, Rae Ann Schmitz, not only believes in Mondo’s innocence but she also credits him with having been a positive influence on her life and the lives of many others (http://www.examiner.com/article/mondo-s-alibi-witness-wants-exoneration-for-former-black-panther-leader):

Rae Ann Schmitz, the alibi witness for Wopashitwe Mondo Eyen we Langa, formerly David Rice, at his April 1971 murder trial, still stands by Mondo’s innocence and credits him with changing her life. Schmitz told the Scottsbuff Star Herald that she is certain that many people have been influenced by Mondo who died March 11 at the Nebraska State Penitentiary. Mondo was serving a life sentence for the 1970 murder of an Omaha policeman.

“He was in a place where he could affect people in a very profound way….I think there were hundreds of people positively affected by his life behind those walls,” Schmitz said.

Schmitz was Mondo we Langa’s alibi witness for a bombing murder that claimed the life of Larry Minard, Sr.  However, Schmitz was also an alibi witness for Mondo when he was supposed to have met with fifteen year-old Duane Peak to give him the bomb.

David Herzog, Mondo’s defense lawyer, failed to question her regarding the alleged meeting between Mondo and Peak, and also failed to adequately question Peak on inconsistencies in his testimony.

Mondo raised the issue of ineffective assistance by counsel in a recent appeal. An Omaha judge tossed out Mondo’s appeal, in part, because Mondo purportedly did not allege his innocence properly in the appeal. The Nebraska Supreme Court then dismissed Mondo’s appeal without bothering to issue a written opinion explaining the decision.

Schmitz told the Scottsbluff newspaper, “People don’t want to believe that our justice system is so [messed] up.”

Pete O’Neal, a veteran of the Black Panther Party in Kanssas City who is now living in self-imposed exile in Tanzania, commented on Mondo’s passing for The Examiner (http://www.examiner.com/article/exiled-black-panther-pete-o-neal-on-waposhitwe-mondo-eyen-we-langa):

“The passing of brother Mondo we Langa was shocking and disturbing, I think most of us imagined and looked forward to the day when he and Poindexter would walk out of the prison in which they have been unjustly held for more than four decades. … When I recall the many visits both brothers made to Kansas City an image comes to mind of two strong young men, totally committed to our struggle, I recall their participating in our community programs and never flinching from the heavy workload that all the members of the Kansas City chapter were required to perform, they were involved in our political education classes and never hesitated to criticize where criticism was needed. Mondo and Poindexter were an inspiration to us all and most importantly they continue to inspire by the manner in which they held fast to their principles and convictions. … I recently saw current photos of these political prisoners and it was obvious the toll these many years of inhuman imprisonment had taken on their physical bodies, but at the same time I noticed with admiration that the fire of righteous conviction was still in their eyes.”

“Mondo is free. He has slipped his bonds and embraced a well deserved freedom, and in doing so I like to believe he left us with a challenge, a challenge to redouble our efforts to free Poindexter and all political prisoners. … What a great testament to his life and struggle it would be if brother Poindexter were to walk free from the gates of confinement into the welcoming arms of his family and comrades. … Mondo we Langa lives! Free all political prisoners. Free them all!”

Amnesty International investigator Claus Walishewski also made statements concerning Mondo’s life and the unjust prosecution of Mondo and Ed Poindexter (http://www.examiner.com/article/amnesty-international-investigator-on-wopashitwe-mondo-eyen-we-langa-s-death).

Amnesty International investigated the case of the Omaha Two in the late 1970’s. …

A German investigator, Claus Walischewski, was assigned the case. Walischewski and his team studied the case for two years before concluding Mondo and Ed Poindeter were political prisoners: “The cooperation with the FBI, the FBI’s own activities, the promise of leniency to Peak, even evidence—all these were kept secret at the trial. The key witnesses disappears after the trial. There is only one conclusion to these peculiarities: Rice and Poindexter were readily implicated with a murder because they were the most prominent political activists in Omaha and had to be silenced.”

“They became victim of a frame-up by the police and the FBI and of the racial and political biases in court. Mr. Kingman Brewster, President of Yale University, stated in 1970 that he was ‘skeptical of the ability of black revolutionaries to achieve a fair trial anywhere in the United States’,” wrote Walischewski.

The Amnesty International work group stated their opinion: “David Rice and Ed Poindexter are political prisoners. They were sentenced for a crime they didn’t commit because of their radical political beliefs. … The murder of patrolman Minard appeared to be a welcome pretext to incriminate the two activists and strike a blow against the NCCF from which it couldn’t recover. The legal system was misused and they were unjustly convicted.”

Forty-five years later, Claus Walischewski still believes in Mondo’s innocence. Walischewski commented on Mondo’s recent death at the Nebraska State Penitentiary: “I just want to express my shock and disbelief when I learned of Mondo’s death….I had heard that Mondo’s health problems had worsened but I had no idea how serious they were, that’s why the news of his death took me by surprise.”

“I deeply deplore the fact that he had to spend most of his life in prison for a crime I believe he didn’t commit. He was born the same year as I and that makes it the more horrendous to me: so many years confined in prison, such injustice, no chance of living a normal life – how could he endure all this? Amnesty International took on his case in 1977 and only one year later I joined AI and started working on this case. In the 1990s I went to Nebraska and Minnesota and had a chance to meet Mondo and Ed in prison and thus developed a more personal commitment to their case. Numerous letters I wrote on their behalf – to no avail,” complained Walischewski.

“It makes me sad to know how harshly the US legal and political system deals with supposed enemies and is rarely willing to make up for injustices and manipulations that victims of racism have suffered. Another precious life spent! Can we hope that one day Mondo will be rehabilitated and cleared of the crime? That is still important, not only for Ed Poindexter, but also for Mondo’s relatives and friends and for all US citizens and people around the world like me who want justice to prevail.”

Mr. Richardson also has transcripts of interviews with Mondo on the Examiner website (http://www.examiner.com/article/prison-interviews-with-wopashitwe-mondo-eyen-we-langa).

Finally, the New York Jericho Movement, along with Mr. Richardson, have shared what is considered the last poem of Mondo we Langa:

The Last Poem of Political Prisoner Wopashitwe Mondo Eyen we Langa
Michael Richardson, March 13, 2016

Political prisoner Wopashitwe Mondo Eyen we Langa (former David Rice) died March 11 at the maximum-security Nebraska State Penitentiary. Mondo suffered from respiratory failure after forty-five long years in prison for a crime he denied, the murder of an Omaha policeman.

Mondo had been targeted, along with fellow inmate Edward Poindexter, by both the Federal Bureau of Investigation and agents of the Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms Division, because of affiliation with the Black Panther Party. Convicted after a controversial trial in 1971 that was marred by withheld evidence by the FBI, tampered evidence by ATF, and conflicting police testimony, the men became known as the Omaha Two.

Mondo stayed engaged in the outside world commenting on current events with essays and poetry. Two weeks before his death, Mondo mailed out a poem entitled “When It Gets To This Point” about shootings of unarmed black men around the country. Mondo’s last poem follows:

Michael Brown?
I had never heard of him
had never heard of anything he’d done before
the news of his death came
whoever he might have become
whatever he might have achieved
had he lived longer
not been riddled lifeless by
bullets from Darren Wilson’s gun
and crumpled on the pavement of a ferguson street
for more than four hours in
the heat of that august day
and before
I’d never known of Trayvon Martin
had known nothing of who he was
until I learned of his demise
and cause of death
a bullet to the chest
George Zimmerman, the shooter
a badge-less, pretend police
with a pistol
and fear of the darkness
Trayvon’s darkness
and after a while
the pictures, the names,
the circumstances
run together
like so much colored laundry in the wash
that bleeds on whites
was it Eric Garner or Tamir Rice
who was twelve but seen as twenty
Hulk Hogan or The Hulk
with demonic eyes it was said
who shrank the cop in ferguson
into a five-year-old who
had to shoot
and John Crawford the third
in a walmart store aisle
an air rifle in his hands he’d picked up
from the shelf
and held in the open
in an open-carry state
was it John or someone else
killed supposedly by mistake
in a dark stairwell
I know Akai Gurley fell
I hadn’t heard of him before
nor of Amadou Diallo or Sean Bell
prior to their killings
which of these two took slugs in the greater number
I don’t recall
my memory is too encumbered
with the names
of so many before and since
the frequent news reports of
non-arrests, non-indictments,
non-true bills
and duplicitous presentations by “experts in the field”
the consultants put out front
to explain away
that which is so often plain as day
to coax and convince us that we’re the ones
who can’s see straight and
can’t hear clearly
who are the ones replacing facts with spin
to mislead and mystify
as the beatings and the chokings and shootings
of our boys and men
by these wrong arms of the law
proceed in orderly fashion
before the sometimes sad
sometimes angry faces of
our uncertain
our hesitant
disbelief.

Rest in Power Baba Mondo. I wish I had stayed in closer contact with you over the last several years.  I hope that what I and others do from this time forward can in some small way truly honor your memory and the memory of all those who have unjustly passed on to the Ancestors in the captivity of this oppressive judicial system.

Spokes of the Wheel: Creating a Pan-Afrikan Cooperative Coalition

Spokes 1On Friday, January 29, 2016, the Sixth Region Diaspora Caucus (SRDC) hosted a discussion designed to encourage a more cooperative atmosphere among the Pan-Afrikan organizations in Baltimore, Maryland.  The event was named “Spokes of the Wheel” to describe a pictorial representation of how a variety of organizations with different missions, specialties and personalities might bring those qualities together into a Cooperative Coalition and this help make their work more effective for the community.

The event was held at the downtown Baltimore building of The Real News Network (TRNN), a non-profit, viewer-supported daily video-news and documentary service based in Baltimore, Maryland and Toronto, Canada. The event sponsor who made the venue available to SRDC for the event was Leaders of a Beautiful Struggle (LBS), a Pan-Afrikan grassroots think-tank based in Baltimore which hosts monthly Malcolm X Talks such as this one on Thursday and Friday evenings.

In attendance were representatives of several organizations whose statements are included below: local grassroots organizations, think tanks, revolutionary organizations, arts collectives, organizations with financial plans, spiritual organizations, as well as international organizations such as SRDC. Each organization present introduced itself, described its mission and spoke about the need to develop a Cooperative Coalition such as the one being discussed this day.

“We do need to get past the point where we talk about how we need to come together but we don’t actually do it”, said Bro. Cliff, Maryland State Facilitator of SRDC.  “Too many times, we see that and we hear that, and we say it to each other.  ‘Black people have to come together.’  And yet, the next year, we’re just as fragmented as we were the year before.” The idea is to find ways in which these organizations can function in a spirit of teamwork to achieve the overall goal of freedom and uplift for Afrikan people.

Lady Brianne, resident poet and one of the Cultural Curators of LBS, welcomed the audience to the event: “We are a policy think tank here in Baltimore, and we’re doing a lot of work, particularly now with the legislative session, around reform of the Law Enforcement Officers Bill of Rights (LEOBR). … One of the things we always need is support, whether it’s phone banking or going out to Annapolis with us, so I’m hoping you all can stay connected with us.  So I just wanted to welcome you all here tonight. …”

Seba Heru-Ka Anu of spiritual organization Ta Nefer Ankh officiated a Libation/Tambiko ceremony.

A brief discussion was held on the definition of the Afrikan Diaspora and the need for people of Afrikan descent in Afrika and the Diaspora to come together and, more importantly, to organize. SRDC’s specific proposal is the establishment of a Pan-Afrikan Cooperative Coalition that would include a broad spectrum of organizations.

Organizational Introductory Statements

Leaders of a Beautiful Struggle (LBS)
Bro. Lawrence Grandpre, Director of Research

LBS Logo 1LBS is a think tank that does research and develops policies in service to the Pan-Afrikan struggle. Right-wing think tanks such as the Heritage Foundation Cato Institute and Rand Corporation do similar work in service to corporate and right-wing interests, providing talking points to political leaders.

LBS was developed primarily at Towson University with debate teams there along with community activists such as Dayvon Love, Adam Jackson and Debra Murray.  LVS has traveled across the country and introduced a debate style that developed from Afrikan-centered traditions, using that to help direct policy discourse and influenced by such historic intellectuals as Dr. Naim Akbar and Dr. Marimba Ani.  LBS sees itself as “a too, for a larger movement of liberation for Afrikan people”, and notes among its accomplishments several regular programs such as the Summer Debate Camps, held at Morgan State University and Coppin State University, and the Marshall Eddie Conway Liberation Institute.

LBS regularly travels to Annapolis to lobby for changes in Maryland state legislation such as the Law Enforcement Officers Bill of Rights (LEOBR), which us seen as granting unreasonable levels of protection for police against criminal prosecution for acts of misconduct, harassment, brutality and other forms of corruption and oppressive tactics.  LBS is challenging the structure that “allows them to have no accountability for any of their actions … to force them to respect us.”  LBS uses “the power of the community instead of waiting for the Department of Justice” to come and save us or for “the police to learn to respect us.”

Ujima Peoples Progress Party (UPP)
Bro. Obasi, co-founder and spokesperson

UPP Logo 1UPP is a political party that is working to obtain ballot status “to challenge the state apparatus in the streets as well as the ballot. … We know that voting doesn’t solve our problems. We know that Afrikan people never got anything from voting.  Everything we got, we got with blood and we got it in the streets.

“We cannot have this conversation without talking about capitalism. We can’t have this conversation without talking about White Power.  And we can’t have this discussion without talking about imperialism.  Because all of it is interconnected.

“How we got started was, myself and a couple of my comrades are Pan Afrikan Internationalists. We believe that Afrika should be free and everybody should know their history.  We believe in a united Afrika, under the leadership of the working class, because it’s the workers that produce the wealth.  Bankers don’t produce the wealth, no stockbrokers, it’s the workers that produce the wealth.  We believe Afrika should be free and all the resources should be kept among Afrikans.

“So we have to ask ourselves: how do we free Afrika when we’re not in Afrika?  How do we fight imperialism?  Organization is our best weapon.  We have to have organization.  At the same time, until we destroy capitalism – because capitalism has to be destroyed – you can’t truly practice your culture, you can’t truly practice your spirituality under the rule of another people.  Let’s just keep it real.  It’s time for all the other discussions that some people want us to have, it’s time to eliminate that.  Because you can’t do these things if you have no power.

“Our job [as UPP] is we have to create liberated territory wherever we find ourselves in the world. Wherever we find ourselves in the world, our job is to control that ground … to reduce the influence of the state … the bureaucracy that’s causing all these atrocities.  We have to directly challenge the state.  We have to have all kinds of organizations.  We have to have these spiritual organizations.  We have to have these cultural and economic organizations. … Kwame Nkrumah said that neocolonialism is the last phase of imperialism. … White Power in Black Face, White Power in Business Face, the people who look like us, but serve the purpose of our enemies. … Barack Obama has us thinking that we’re making some progress, when we’re making no progress.  I think it was Malcolm X who said the Republicans put the knife in six inches, and the Democrats pull it out three and they talk about progress.  Well, Afrikans are free people, so when we talk about progress, we’ve got to talk about our progress in proximity to us getting free. … We’ve got to challenge them as well as in the streets; we’ve got to go to that electoral arena to challenge them.

“It’s cool to get voted in, but our job is to use that electoral process as an organizing and mobilizing tool, because all of us [here at this meeting] might have a little more awareness, but the masses of the people are at the polls. We have to create our own institutions to contend with the ruling class.  Our people’s loyalty to these [established] institutions is fickle.  We only have these institutions because we don’t have our own.

“We’ve got to get 10,000 registered voters to sign a petition so that we can get on the ballot. We want to go into our own communities.  Those people in Lexington Market are our people.  It’s going to be those young folks that are going to make that change.

“We’ve got to get 10,000 registered voters to sign the petition, get on the ballot and make history, and we can go in our own communities, run our own candidates and we can challenge these jokers and ‘shiny Negroes’ … because this is not a theoretical question. They’re murdering us.  We have a right to live just like everybody else.  And we’re not going to get it unless we get off our tails and fight.

“We have to create organizations, and this event right here, this is a real critical question right now. If organization is our best weapon, just imagine a bunch or organizations!

“They say it’s radical. We say it’s common sense to create your own institutions to assert your needs.  Even outside of elections, you’re going to see us in the streets, because politics is more than just voting.  You’ve got to be in the streets.  ‘Uhuru’ means ‘Freedom’.  It’s how we greet each other.  So I say ‘Uhuru Sasa.’  Freedom Now.”

Dr. Ken Morgan
UPP Faculty Advisor, Coppin State University

“Nnamdi Lumumba, State Coordinator for UPP, is running as an Independent in the Seventh Councilmanic District. We can’t affiliate as a Party [until UPP obtains the 10,000 signatures to get ballot access], but he is running as an Independent on the platform of the Ujima Peoples Progress Party. … We meet on Wednesdays.  We do mean business.  We have theory and we have practice, but the bottom line is, we must struggle to make it happen.”

Working, Organizing, Making A Nation (W.O.M.A.N.)
Prepared Statement

WOMAN Organization Logo 1The following statement comes from the written literature of W.O.M.A.N.: “On January 15, 2009 W.O.M.A.N. officially began functioning as an organizing body. The plan to unite kindred organizations has been a key component from its inception as well as keying in on the active social engagement of all participating organizations comprising W.O.M.A.N. From inception, W.O.M.A.N. has been on the move to display practical unity for our community and not be content with empty, intellectual sound-bites of unity.

“W.O.M.A.N. views its mission as an economic/social calling to address the economic disunity of Black Nationalist, Pan-Afrikanist, Afrikan-Centered groups and organizations. Being progressive, aggressive and practical, W.O.M.A.N. wills itself to foment a fresh model of economic and social organizing. Thus by leading the way for grassroots efforts into the 21st century we unite theory with practice for high achievement. Our mission includes the pooling of funds and energies designed to (1) Fundraise and solicit funds to carry forth our noble purpose; (2) Illustrate the practice of Ujamaa as the model to learn from; (3) Support or create informational services to schools, community organizations and other non profit entities; and (4) Support or create networking capacities for organizations that serve youth, seniors and those with special needs.”

Ta Nefer Ankh
Seba Heru-Ka Anu, Founder and Director

Ta Nefer Ankh Logo PNG1“Our organization is a national organization founded in 1992. We pattern ourselves after the Honorable Marcus Garvey and the Honorable Malcolm X as a nationalist Pan-Afrikanist organization, but following also, leaders like Dr. Cheikh Anta Diop, Dr. Yosef ben-Jochannon and others who also called for a cultural context in which we organize ourselves, and so our community as we define it in Ta Nefer Ankh is an Afrikan-centered community.  What we focus on is mainly creating community.  One of the things that I recognized over the years is that we have political organizations, and that politics ideology does not necessarily define how we do what we do in a cultural context.  In other words, even though we can be a Pan-Afrikanist and a nationalist it doesn’t define how you eat, how you interact with one another, how you engage in relationships with one another, and as Cheikh Anta Diop pointed out to us, that we really needed to connect with the cultural context.  So we’re an Afrikan-centered organization that expresses itself from the Kemetic perspective.  Why Kemet?  Kemet is the first writing Afrikan civilization.  It’s not the oldest.  It’s the third oldest Afrikan civilization.  But it was the first writing. And as the first writing civilization, we’re able to go to Kemet and actually read from our Ancestors exactly how they defined their society, how their society worked, and for me as a person whose background is in Cultural Anthropology, which I love, because it asks the question, why and how did you do it.  So, when you ask our Ancestors, for example, how did you come together and create the civilization that you did, how did you create community, they actually have a model.  And so, we base ourselves on the Kemetic model.  We’re not exclusive in the sense that we don’t promote anything else – we promote all Afrikan society – but we look at Kemet as the model upon which we build.  So we invite folks to come with us and actually do building.

“You asked this question about folks coming together and reasons to come together. Our primary reason to come together is to improve the way of life, improve our quality of life.  Not only should it improve your quality of life, but it should answer all of the challenges that you have.  So, by coming together as a community, [this] allows us to have unity.  It allows us to generate the kind of infrastructure that we need: organizations, institutions.  Out of these organizations and institutions we can promote programs and practices, protocols that we need, that a community needs in order to operate. …

“Our headquarters is here in Baltimore.  We have the Cultural Center on Liberty Road.  You can get some information on us at taneferankh.com.  I’m the national leader, so I teach our communities across the country.  I also travel across the country, recruiting folks to create community, because it’s important that we have community.  We’re talking about creating Afrika where we are.

“The Black Agenda Organization is similar to the wheel, the spoked wheel that you talk about. We have organizations across the country and around the world that actually espouse the Black Agenda, so that would be a common denominator upon which we can come together and organize with each other.  And therefore we see the Black Agenda as that nexus that will enable us to connect with each other.  So, essentially, we’re saying the same thing.

“Black Forum is a weekly event featuring presenters addressing topics relative to the Black Agenda and the Black Power Movement.”

Teaching Artist Institute (TAI)
Bro. Infinity Excalibur, TAI Fellow

“In the beginning was the Heart-Drum.
With this vibration we gave rhythm to the world.
On this beat we Sing Life.
We are the Rhythm People.”

Bro. Infinity will be teaching poetry and short-writings within the Fellowship. “We are going to travel the Diaspora, teaching various artistries and variations of each of our specialties. … We’re going to go to Black nations across the world, teaching, sharing, learning from them, they learn from us.  It’s going to be collective.  It’s going to be responsible.”

Sis. Kim Poole, Founder, TAI

TAI Logo 1“In a lot of ways, the Drum is the only thing that we can trust. We’ve been told so many things about who we are, what’s been stolen, what the history says, what it doesn’t, but the one thing that’s undeniable across every people, everywhere, that are melanated, is the beat of that Drum.  I don’t care if you go to the service on Sunday or over to Brazil, they’ve got Rhythm People.  Just start beating that Drum and you’ll see who you are.  You’ll see where your alliances run.  And so, we’ve used that as an opportunity to create a sense of unity that in a lot of ways has been lost through ideology.

“So I’m a Soul-Fusion Teaching Artist, and music is what I trust. Art and culture is what in a lot of ways re-Afrikanized me, even got me interested in what that would mean, what that would look like.  And I know that it’s the first pillar of societal development, culture.  And so we have to ask ourselves, what language are we speaking?  I don’t speak Igbo.  I don’t speak Yoruba.  I don’t speak Kiswahili.  But the one thing that we can speak is the beat of this Drum.  And if we can all use that as a tool to see eye to eye, I think, honestly, that that’s the best chance we have at creating a coalition that works.

“It means coming together on one accord, and being able to communicate in ways that both parties understand. And it’s the Rhythm Resolution.  That’s where the Teaching Artist Institute comes in.  Because we want to teach you how to use art as a way of knowing, as a pedagogy.  How can you be innovative?  How can you be creative?  We want to teach you how to use the traditional media of music, poetry, short-writing that Bro. Infinity talked about, that spoken-word, that call-and-response.  It’s the artist community that needs to be at the core of development.  The reason the artist needs to be at the center of the community is because they have that innovation, and they remember who we are, even if only inherently.

“The Teaching Artist Institute has four goals. The first is to train artists and artisans as educators of socially-engaged art.  So, making sure that you’re conscious of that responsibility and understand your influence.  The second goal is to establish and maintain a Teaching Artist Collective.  We don’t support each other enough. ‘I don’t believe what you believe; you’re not Black enough for me; Oh my God Sis, you look too “hood” for our collective over here, we’re a collective of fine things, we go to Afrika, we do trips and we’re Ambassadors.’ We allow classism, and it’s amazing how many ways we’ve learned to divide each other from each other and perpetuate that lesson.  So we need a Collective; people who say, ‘In spite of my class, in spite of my belief system, one thing I know for certain is that I am vested in the perpetual development of my people, and I am willing to use my way of knowing towards that goal, to support that goal.’

“Our third goal is advocating cross-cultural communication and mutual understanding through art. A lot of my art is the pages of my diary. … We need to find ways to express who we are. … Though I’ll [still occasionally] write those songs that help me to release [any emotional baggage], I know that it’s very important to use my art as a tool for development.

“And last, to create a platform for Teaching Artist expression. The fact is, the people that usually ‘get’ it, they never get a loud enough bullhorn to say what they get. Because they stop before they ever get started.  And it’s time for us to be more strategic about how we get into decision-making rooms.  It’s time for us to realize that art can get into any sector, and you need to use your art, whatever it may be, to bring those artists to the room, to bring them to the mic, to give them an opportunity to spread their message.

“So, what is a Teaching Artist? A Teaching Artist is one that recognizes and understands the influential nature of their art.  They use this to promote a value system or a subject matter as an entity in and of itself or as a tool integrated into another discipline.  So we’ll do that in many ways with all of our fellow Teaching Artists this year, but one way that the Teaching Artist Institute is going to do that this year is to support the Sixth Region Diaspora Caucus.”

Organization of All Afrikan Unity-Black Panther Cadre
Statement from Baba Ade Oba Tokunbo, Founder and Chairman

OAAUBPC Ade Logo 1The following statement had been prepared by OAAU-BPC Founder Baba Ade Oba Tokunbo: “As of June of this year, the concept of Pan-Afrikanism will be celebrating its 116th anniversary since Henry Sylvester Williams coined the term.  Many Afrikan people in the Motherland, in the Western Hemisphere, in Asia, in Europe and in the South Pacific have an interest in or identify with each other as Black people, as Afrikan people.  They are paying attention to what is going on not only in Afrika, but also amongst Afrikans around the world and in the United States. They are in the Andaman Islands, they are in Papua New Guinea, they are in Vanuatu, they are in Conakry or New Caledonia, they are in Palau and elsewhere.  The idea and the sentiment of Pan Afrikanism is alive and strong in these communities.

“The African Union has taken the initiative to acknowledge the existence of the Diaspora and the role of the Diaspora in promoting the concept of Pan-Afrikanism. Sisters and Brothers throughout the Continent acknowledge this, and are mindful of us here.  We have to take advantage of this.  This is why the Town Hall initiative gives us the opportunity to build across the Black communities of this nation.  Then we will have the opportunity to be represented at the AU, and we can bring issues that the current generation of activists are concerned about.  This is why we have to come together to mobilize, educate and organize the masses of our people here, so we can have a representative voice.”

Souls of Life Society
Bro. King Obadele, Founder and Chairman

Souls of Life Society Full Logo E“Energy we are, and energy we shall return, when we depart from this which returns to dust. Each one of you, you’re a vessel.  Each one of you carries a spirit within you.

“We have connected with the Sixth Region Diaspora Caucus for several years now, because of the vibration that they hold true, which is to recognize that it’s time for change and for us to take action. The Souls of Life Society as you see here, ‘through the power bestowed by God and man,’ a lot of people have a lot in mind of believing so many different things.  Souls of Life Society has come together so that we can come under the understanding that life and love is the most important thing that there is about our living.  So you can look at this and say ‘through the power bestowed from within to do what must be done.’  Our organization harmonizes the unity needed for Black organizations to thrive so that humanity can survive.  We are the original man and woman of the earth and the founders of civilization.  We are the melanated ones.  Within us [is] the true blueprint of humanity, but that would mean that you are more than human. The plan against your greater good was and is to dehumanize you.  Yet, this is the crux of an amazing truth you have yet to accept collectively, which is, you are more than human. Spirit you all are.

“I have been traveling since 1991 to different organizations throughout Baltimore City, observing organisms and organizations to see what causes them to tick.  What I’ve discovered is that we have common ground, which is life and love, but we have to identify that common ground of life and love through re-communing with spirit.  Living thought speaks to each and every one of us.  Your Ancestors are waiting for you to activate the love that has brought you to now.  Do not let religiosity and dogma continue to separate you from who you are.  Everything vibrates and everything has a frequency.  We must begin collectively to speak the same language.  That is truth, harmony, order, righteousness, reciprocity, balance, justice, compassion, propriety, respect and consideration.

“Malcolm said it best when he said that, and this is what I picked up from him, they do not speak a language that, when you come to them in peace, they understand you. That was his belief.  I understand that.  But the thing is for us to overstand that we are more than anybody could possibly imagine we are. But we have to accept that that is true.  We are the original man and woman of the earth and the founders of civilization which means that we are the leaders.  The blueprint is already within us.  The earth itself is awaiting us to awaken.

“My organization, the Souls of Life Society, the acronym is S-O-L-S. The only thing that’s missing is U.  So, if you would be so kind as to look up the website, soulsoflifesociety.org, click it and hook up with us.  Because it’s time for the change to come strong.  We have to understand that, in speaking the language amongst ourselves of what is known as the virtues of Ma’at, which is an ancient Kemet practice, we will better realign with ourselves and with what needs to be done in order to bring the transformation that is needed amongst us as a community, amongst us as a world.  I’ve been with the Brave Men’s Society, the Egbe. … They speak an Afrikan cosmology that speaks of Iwa Pele, which explains very clearly the issues which have happened with our Black community and why there is so much division amongst us.  Come to the website.  Come check us out at the Sixth Region Diaspora Caucus so that we can make things happen.”

Pan Afrikan Liberation Movement (PLM)
Bro. Anani Kulu Fatiu

PLM Logo 1“I’m a part of the Pan-Afrikan Liberation Movement that’s located here in Baltimore.  My name is Anani Kulu Fatiu. …

“What we have here today, which I embrace, a lot of what was stated was, the Pan-Afrikan Coalition and coming together. This is not new for Afrikan people.  This is how we lived on the Continent.  We were always demonstrating what Pan-Afrikanism was and what it is.  And that’s how we were able to develop such great nations and civilizations that the Baba has mentioned.

“… We’re dealing with the harmful effects of [White Supremacy], and we’re trying to figure out how we can all come together and merge and make a dynamic push, to push us in our natural way of how we lived as Afrikan people, prior to any invasions, prior to anything.

“I also facilitate a study class, every Sunday from 2 to 4:30, which is the Beginning Study Class, which is everything that a lot of people have mentioned about what they know about their Afrikanity; some people have never even heard of this.  This is very new to a lot of people.  That being Black, and being from Baltimore, West Baltimore to be exact, is pretty much the only thing that they identify with, or being from New York, and so forth, all over the place, not knowing how to get to your center.  So I teach the Beginning Study Class, so we start all the way from the base level.  We’re going to start having a dialog, conversations and then we get into the great literature of our scholars to move us along.  We don’t [just] talk it, though.  We become it and we demonstrate it.

“So I love everything that was said. I’m enjoying everything that’s said.  I love it.  It’s good.  I love the energy that I see out here.  I love being part of my organization.”

The Earth Center
Bro. Nehez Meniooh, Director, Healer, Teacher, Initiate of the M’Tam Schools

“The message I’m here to deliver is a lot bigger than the young man you see in front of you. The Earth Center is the unified form of the temples and the norms of the existing Kemetic Culture.  Because like the Brother before me had just mentioned, a lot of people don’t understand about their identity as what we call Black People of the world.  And that’s because our enslaver has given us the education for what our identity is about.  And because of that misunderstanding, because of that miseducation, today we think that the greatness, the education, the profound wisdom that built these empires that we’re calling ancient today, that built the empires that the Elder introduced at the beginning of the lectures, we’re told today that they’re all dead.  We’re told today that the languages are dead, the hieroglyphs are just to be studied in books and for us to try to recover, but the truth of the matter is that those are still alive.  Those are still alive, being kept in secret societies throughout rural Afrika, throughout traditional Afrika.

“Three thousand years ago, when the priesthood and the pharaohnic throne made the decision that they would change the way that they would keep the culture, instead of in its glory and in its greatness that we see in the Nile Valley, they decided, since the invaders were just not going to give up, to take it underground and keep it secret. And that’s when they took it into the huts and they took it into what, for us, with our education, we look at it and say those people need help, those people are hungry, those people are impoverished.  But those people are keeping the greatest knowledge that this world has known.  And the Earth Center is the first mission of those temples that has been sent out to the Diaspora, to the world, to give you a chance to reconnect with the identity that’s coursing through your veins.

“Because the blood in everyone’s veins in here is very, very old. It’s not yours.  You got it from your father, you got it from your mother.  They got it from their father, they got it from their mother.  And it goes all the way back to those same civilizations that we’re looking at and we’re talking about and we’re studying.  It’s all there inside of us, waiting to be awakened.

“The Earth Center represents that movement.  It’s an organization that was started by a Dogon High Priest.  His name is Prophet Master Naba Lamoussa Morodenibig.  He was originally born in the country of Burkina Faso, West Afrika.  I know a lot of our Pan-Afrikan students in the room know the Kingdom of Burkina Faso from Thomas Sankara.  He did a lot of very great work for us trying to reclaim our identity from what the French colonizers did in his country.

“The Prophet Naba started his education in the traditions. He is a Dogon, so he went through the Dogon Mystery Schools.  He is a Kemetic High Priest.  He continued to go through the initiations.  And when he had the chance, he pleaded with his Elders in the initiation and his royalty to come out into the Diaspora and let the Diaspora know we’re still here, that the traditions are still here.

“We have three branches in this organization. We have a publishing branch, which we call Firefly Productions.  We write books, we write magazines, journals; we have slowly been starting to distribute them around the Baltimore area.  You might see our free publication called The Sunnyside floating around.  We also present some of the treasures that have been kept in the Kemetic Culture, such as the Great Book of Divine Ordinances, which is the original set of commandments our Ancestors followed; the original Map of the Sky that you find on the ceiling of the Temple of [Hathor at] Dendera [Egypt]; the original calendar our Ancestors used of thirteen months and ten days; all of that we have available through the publishing company.

“We also have the M’Tam School of Initiation, M’Tam School of Kemetic Philosophy and Spirituality. Because if we are to recover, it’s going to have to start with education.  If we’ve only been educated by our enslavers, then we can’t wonder why we just seem to not be able to organize.  Because it’s values that put people together. … A good idea might get us all to run one way, but as soon as that chain behind us pulls us back, then we won’t be able to stay together.  So it has to start with our education, and it has to start with an education that comes specifically from our Ancestors and not from the ones who are enslaving the world.

“And the third branch of the organization is the Ankhasta Natural Healing. And that is the network of traditional healers and priests throughout Afrika, mainly West Afrika, who are preserving and protecting the traditional medicinal knowledge and making those recipes available to the Diaspora, who are suffering in our hell, because we’ve been educated by the destroyer.

“So, this organization is split into three branches but even beyond that we do a lot of work. … But one of the things we do that I do want to mention is, every year we take a trip home, so that what we teach the students in the class, what we’re telling the Diaspora – that this culture is still existing, that this culture is still your legacy to be reclaimed, your legacy to awaken in yourself – we take you into the culture so that you can see for yourself, because we don’t believe in belief. You have to know. You have to study. Whatever beliefs you have about the way the earth functions, that’s fine, that’s your business … but at some point, if you want to recover, you have to be educated.  You have to hold that belief loose enough that if common sense tells you that just doesn’t fit anymore, you have to be able to evolve.

“So once a year, we take our students, we take friends, we take guests on a spiritual pilgrimage to go into the culture. The last pilgrimage we took, the royalty in the city called Sia, which is in the western part of Burkina Faso, one of the kings there said ‘Please, take this message to the Diaspora.  Let them know, the way that we live, they see us living in huts, they see us living in dirty clothes, they see us living with nature, that’s a choice.  We don’t want to live in the machine.  We don’t want to live and be a part of the destruction.  We’d rather live and stay next to nature and stay next to the Divine.  Let them know that’s a choice.  But also let them know that everything they saw from the past, nothing has been lost, and it’s here if they’re willing to come and get it.’

“So that is what the Earth Center is representing.  We will have a lecture March 19 at Tehuti’s [Wisdom] Bookstore.  We will be opening up the doors of initiation at the end of March.  You can check our website, www.theearthinstitute.org, and I thank everybody for their ears.”

Black Running Organization
Bro. Isa Olufemi

BRO Logo“There’s a lot of talk about coming together but it never really happens, so the Black Running Organization is here to fill that void. The charge to everyone who’s standing is for you to come and join us at our Unity Run every Sunday at Druid Hill Park.  You don’t have to come every Sunday, but we expect to see you this year, before June. … And it’s not just for the Brothers; it’s for the Sisters too.  What we do is not about competition.  Competition is not part of it at all.  It’s for all skill levels and it’s all about unity.  It’s a practical illustration of unity.

“So if you ever come to Druid Hill Park or you ever come to one of our programs, and you see us, you’ll see a whole bunch of Black people together, unified, running.  And it’s very practical, it’s very simple.  That’s what we do.  If we’re all talking about culture, we’re all talking about this war that we’re in with our oppressors, then we must understand that we have to train physically.  Whether you’re a man, woman, child, Elder, whatever.  Baba Ade [founder and chairman of OAAU-BPC], who’s in his sixties, was out running with us.  We’re not about the lecture. … We just want to see you come out and run with us.  So if you do see us and you do have the ability and to run and you don’t come out, then we can’t organize because we’re not doing what we know we must do.  The program I’m inviting you all out to – Black people only – every Sunday, 10:00 in the morning, by the basketball courts in Druid Hill Park.  If you come to that event, then we’ll extend the invitation to our other events.  Our slogan is ‘Let’s Grow’, that means together we develop our natural processes.  Those natural processes are Black people being amongst Black people and using running as a platform to organize.  So, as always, Let’s Grow.”

The Need for a Cooperative Coalition
Sixth Region Diaspora Caucus
Bro. Cliff,
Maryland State Facilitator, SRDC

SRDC Logo Official 2013“There’s an old slogan that says, ‘Think globally, act locally.’ And essentially, what our organization is attempting to do is build a means to reach out to and harness the grassroots voice of our Diaspora on the local level, then move that to the national level, and then move that to the global level.  We start off with grassroots local organizations like ours right here.  I’m the Maryland State Facilitator, so the organization that we have here, essentially operates here in the state of Maryland.  We have Facilitators in other states – not every other state – but we want them in every state plus [Washington] DC.  We’ve got a long way to go before we get there.

“What would happen is, the local organizations would call public meetings, much like this, preferably much bigger, in which we ask you two things: What are the key issues that we need to take out of here to the national level and then to the international level, which is the first question; and the second question is Who would you want to have represent our voice from the state of Maryland on the national stage and on the world stage?

“I can explain all the details of that but it will probably have to be in our next event where we give you the details of what SRDC’s plan is. But the ultimate idea is to come up with a delegation of twenty elected representatives to essentially take the voice of 300 million people of Afrikan descent around the entire world to organizations like the African Union, the United Nations, the latest Pan-Afrikan Congress, the World Social Forum, what-have-you.

“How do you elect 20 people out of 300 million? The way we will do it is we will start at the local level.  We would elect two representatives from this state.  Those representatives would get together with the elected representatives from other states in a National Summit.  We hold them every year.  We’ve held them for [more than] the last seven years.  And at that National Summit, those representatives who were elected in their states would get together and they would essentially determine who is the Dream Team of, let’s say, three or four.  The three or four best of that group to take the combined agendas of all the states that sent representatives to the National Summit and to take that to the world stage.  In a nutshell, that’s basically how it works.  So it’s grassroots local organizations, community Town Hall Meetings.  We’re going to have one later this year.  We’ll have more informational sessions, maybe here, maybe a few other places to explain that further, then ultimately we’re going to have that community Town Hall Meeting [in Maryland].  Then we would have the National [Summit].  Then ultimately we’d have a Full Diaspora Summit [of all the National Summits around the world] which would determine what the overall Pan-Afrikan Agenda would be from the United States, from Canada, from Brazil, South America, Europe, Asia, Central America, the Caribbean, on and on and on, and they would take that to the African Union.

“All of these plans [in Afrikan Diaspora communities around the world] aren’t fully developed yet, but then we aren’t fully developed yet.  But you’ve got to start somewhere.  And that’s what we’re doing.

“Now, if the African Union suddenly decided they don’t want to listen to us, we can take it to the United Nations, who are currently recognizing the International Decade for People of African Descent from 2015 to 2024.  So if they want to put some serious teeth into it, eventually we can put pressure on them to listen to us also.  So there are any number of ways that this can be applied; our current objective is to get that voice in the African Union, because, and I’ll explain this the next time we meet, they have invited us to do so. Some of them are trying to [renege] on it, but we’re not going to let them.

“So that’s basically what our organization does. Now, the reason we asked for this gathering is that we’ve recognized that we can’t do this just with our own organization all by itself.  We need to bring in the Earth Center, we need to bring in PLM, we need to bring in W.O.M.A.N., we need to bring in Teaching Artist Institute.  We need to bring in Black Running Organization, so when we’ve got to run from or after somebody, we can do it.  We need to bring in LBS because at some point or another, we’ve got to be able to march up to the halls of power and say, ‘Here’s what our Think Tank has come up with, here’s what our organizations have told us we need to put together, and dammit, we’re gonna get it.’  And we need to bring all of these organizations together in order to do that.

“So we’ve got people dating back hundreds of years [Harriet Tubman, Marcus Garvey, Frederick Douglass, Malcolm X, Dr. Martin Luther King] who have been telling us [that we need to organize]. And we need to find a way that we can finally organize our organizations so we can heed this call.  We need to understand the divisions in our community; [they] don’t need to become walls that we build up against each other.  We’re not all the same.  If we’re going to separate ourselves from each other because we’re not the same, then we’re never going to get organized.”
Spokes Jan 29 Audience

Political Prisoners 101 – February 2016

Eddie Africa Denied Parole New York City Jericho Movement

Ona Move 

Move Nine EddieWhen The Move 9 became eligible for parole in 2008 The Pennsylvania Parole Board took on the responsibility of officials of this system in keeping innocent Move Members in prison for the rest of their lives. From 2008 up until as recently as this past week all of The Move 9 have been denied parole. We received a call last night from our brother Eddie Africa who was calling to let us know he was denied yet again by The Pa Parole Board and was given a two year hit where he would not go before the board again until 2018.

The Parole Board has cited the issue of Eddie being a risk to the safety of the community. At Eddie’s parole hearing the parole board was presented with a petition of 300 signatures of members of the community who would welcome him on parole into the community and who in fact felt no threat to their safety with Eddie in the community. It’s obvious that this community that the parole board is talking about is none other than the law enforcement community across the country who have mobilized against parole for Move Members .

This clearly shows that The Parole Board has no regard for the community and their input on anything, as they only value the input of law enforcement officials who they are obviously working in conjunction with to keep our family in prison. Eddie sounded strong as always and he has not been deterred by this and neither are we. The fight continues to win parole for our family as we prepare for our sisters May 2016 parole hearings. There will be more information to follow in the next couple of days on the next steps we are taking.

In the meantime we urge people to sign The Petition we aimed at US Attorney General Loretta Lynch as we demand that The Justice Department investigate the wrongful and ongoing imprisonment of The Move 9 . People can go to https://www.causes.com/campaigns/92454-free-the-move-9.

Also For More Info People Can Go To www.onamove.com.

Justice For The Move 9/Facebook: http://move9parole.blogspot.com/

Ona Move 
The Justice And Accountability Campaign

Sundiata Acoli Denied Parole

Sundiata Acoli 1The New York City Jericho Movement reported that political prisoner Sundiata Acoli, who has been imprisoned since 1973 as a result of a shootout on the New Jersey Turnpike that resulted in the deaths of a New Jersey State Trooper and a member of the Black Liberation Army, was recently denied parole by the New Jersey Supreme Court.  The following comes from an article titled N.J. Supreme Court denies parole for man who killed trooper in 1973 by S.P. Sullivan on February 23 for NJ.com.

Sundiata Acoli has been serving a life sentence for his role in a shootout on the New Jersey Turnpike that ended in the death of Trooper Werner Foerster.

An appeals court in 2014 found Acoli was wrongly denied parole and ordered his release, but the state Parole Board and the Attorney General’s Office petitioned the state’s highest court, asking them to throw out the ruling.

Their 4-1 decision means Acoli will have to appear before the Parole Board for a full hearing before he is eligible for release. …

Court documents show that Acoli’s gun went off while he struggled with Foerster after another trooper pulled over a white Pontiac containing [Joanne] Chesimard [Assata Shakur], Acoli, and James Costan in the early hours of May 2, 1973.

The three were associated with black nationalist groups including the Black Panther Party and Black Liberation Army. 

There were conflicting accounts of who shot whom, but state prosecutors claimed Chesimard shot and wounded the other trooper, James Harper, before executing Foerster with his own gun.

[Testimony by the medical examiner during the trial, however, indicated that Assata Shakur was shot in the back with her hands raised in surrender, and was incapable of having executed Foerster as the prosecution claimed – Editor.]

Costan, also known as Zayd Malik Shakur, was shot and killed at the scene.

Acoli, now in his 70s, has been repeatedly denied parole. In 2011, a two-member parole board panel rejected his latest bid before he could appear before the full board for a formal hearing. 

But the appeals court found that the panel had ignored evidence in Acoli’s favor. Court records show a psychologist testified in 2010 that Acoli had “expressed regret and remorse about his involvement” in the killing and was at “low to moderate risk” of re-offending. 

The appellate panel ordered the board to “expeditiously set conditions for parole,” but the state petitioned the Supreme Court, claiming a convicted murderer could not be released under state law without the approval of the full board. 

In the majority opinion, Justice Jaynee LaVecchia agreed. 

http://www.nj.com/politics/index.ssf/2016/02/sundiata_acoli_supreme_court_decision.html


Freedom and Medical Care for Leonard Peltier!
by Mumia Abu-Jamal, Monday, February 22, 2016

Peltier 5For 40 years, former American Indian Movement (AIM) activist Leonard Peltier has been in the clutches of the U.S. prison system –The Iron House of the whites, as indigenous people call them – on trumped up murder charges. Now, as he suffers poor health and an abdominal aortic aneurism, time is no longer on his side.

The aneurysm, diagnosed just weeks ago, threatens his very life, so supporters of Leonard are demanding his freedom, so he doesn’t perish in the Iron House. Decades ago, when Bill Clinton was president, he visited Pine Ridge, South Dakota – once Peltier’s home – and told people there, “Tell Leonard I won’t forget about him.”

A promise from Clinton proved as empty as any politician’s promise: gas, air, wind. (He musta forgot, huh?)

So Peltier languished in the Iron House as decades passed. He wrote. He painted – and he awaited white justice.

He’s still waiting.

His supporters want people to write to the Bureau of Prisons (BOP), demanding his health care and release. The International Leonard Peltier Defense Committee needs you to write and call on Leonard’s behalf. Contact www.bop.gov/inmates/concerns.jsp.

Refer to Leonard Peltier, 89637-132, and his home jail, USP Coleman I. Warden Tamyra Jarvis USP Coleman I 846 NE 54th Terrace Sumterville, FL 33521 Fax: 352-689-6012

Helen J. Marberry RO Southeast Regional Office 3800 Camp Crk. Pk. SW Bldg 2000 Atlanta, GA 30331 Fax: 678-686-1229

Office of the Director Federal Bureau of Prisons 320 First Street, NW Washington, DC 20534 Fax: 202-514-6620 CONTACT LEONARD Send Cards and Letters:

Leonard Peltier #89637-132 USP-Coleman I U.S. Penitentiary PO Box 1033 Coleman, FL 33521

And while you’re at it, contact the White House and demand Leonard’s executive clemency.

Leonard Peltier needs freedom now; and Native Peoples need him to return home. The Campaign to Bring Mumia Home · 13 N. Bedford St · New York, NY 10010

— Freedom Archives 522 Valencia Street San Francisco, CA 94110 415 863.9977 www.freedomarchives.org


Exclusive Interview: Albert Woodfox of
Angola 3, Freed After 43 Years in Solitary Confinement

LAlbert Woodfox 1ongtime political prisoner Albert Woodfox was recently interviewed on DemocracyNow! The interview can be watched at the following web address:

http://www.democracynow.org/2016/2/22/exclusive_interview_albert_woodfox_of_angola

Guests:

Albert Woodfox
longest-standing solitary confinement prisoner in the United States. He was held in isolation in a six-by-nine-foot cell almost continuously for 43 years. On Friday February 19, Woodfox was released from a Louisiana jail. He is a member of the Angola 3.

Robert King
member of the Angola 3 who spent 29 years in solitary confinement for a murder he did not commit. He was released in 2001 after his conviction was overturned. He’s written a book about his experience, From the Bottom of the Heap: The Autobiography of Black Panther Robert Hillary King.

Billy Sothern
one of the trial attorneys representing Albert Woodfox, one of the Angola Three, who was released from prison on Friday. He is the author of Down in New Orleans: Reflections from a Drowned City.

After more than 43 years in solitary confinement, Albert Woodfox is a free man and joins us today for his first broadcast interview. The former Black Panther spent more time in solitary confinement than anyone in the United States, much of it in a six-by-nine cell for 23 hours each day. Albert Woodfox was released Friday, February 19 after he entered a plea of no contest to charges of manslaughter and aggravated burglary of a prison guard more than four decades ago. Prior to Friday’s settlement, his conviction had been overturned three times. Albert Woodfox was serving a five-year sentence for armed robbery at the Louisiana State Penitentiary in Angola when he and fellow prisoner Herman Wallace were accused in 1972 of stabbing prison guard Brent Miller. The two men always maintained their innocence, saying they were targeted because they had organized a chapter of the Black Panther Party to address horrific conditions at the Angola prison, a former cotton plantation. Woodfox, Wallace and a third man, Robert King, became collectively known as the Angola 3. For decades, Amnesty International and other groups campaigned to free the three men. Woodfox was the last remaining member of the group to be released. Today we speak to Woodfox and King, who was freed in 2001 when his conviction for killing a fellow inmate was overturned. Herman Wallace was freed in 2013, just days before he died from cancer.


Pennsylvania
Acts to Remove Pro Bono Lawyer for Corey Walker
Report from the Courtroom by Mark Lance
mlance390@gmail.com  

February 24, 2016—Fifteen months after launching legal action to re­move Rachel Wolkenstein as attorney for Corey Walker, the Office of the Pennsylvania Attorney General (OAG) concluded its evidentiary hearing in Harrisburg on February 9 to support its motion to have her pro hac vice admission vacated. Walker, an innocent man serving a sentence of life without parole, has spent the last 19 years behind bars.

Post-hearing legal briefs will be filed by the OAG and Walker’s attorneys 45 days after receiving the transcript of the proceeding. Senior Judge Lawrence Clark will then rule on the OAG motion to remove attorney Wolkenstein as Corey Walker’s pro hac vice, pro bono lawyer.

The OAG’s action to get long-time political activist and attorney Rachel Wolkenstein out of this case is retaliation against the efforts of Corey Walker to overturn his frame-up murder conviction. Since Wolk­enstein began working with Walker pro bono in May 2014, first helping with investigation and his pro se petitions and then as his at­tor­ney pro hac vice, Corey Walker filed three sets of legal papers. Each time yet more evidence was given showing his conviction was the result of extensive police and pro­s­ecution misconduct.

There was no witness to the shooting, no fingerprints or murder weapon, no blood evidence or confession. Instead, witnesses, whose false testimony was ob­tained through coercion and promises of leniency on charges they faced, were knowingly and deliberately put before the predominantly white jury by the Deputy Attorney General. Exonerating  evidence was kept from Walker for close to 20 years.  

The OAG explicitly claims that Wolkenstein’s practicing law in Pennsylvania is “intolerable” due to her public statements that the crim­inal justice system is racially and class-biased. The OAG also specifically cited Wolkenstein’s court­room ar­rest by the notorious Judge Albert Sabo while she represented Mumia Abu-Jamal in the weeks before his scheduled execution date in August 1995. The OAG also falsely claims Wolkenstein violated rules of Professional Conduct.

Two defense motions prevented the OAG from compelling Walker and his trial co-defendant, Lorenzo Johnson, to be witnesses at the hearing. The subpoenas were an attempt to stop the decades of collaboration between the two men in fighting for their innocence and freedom. The sub­poenas were part of a fishing expedition by the pro­s­ecution to undermine their respective pending legal cases.

The OAG presented only one witness, Lorenzo Johnson’s lawyer Michael Wiseman. It was Lorenzo Johnson who urged Wolkenstein to take up Walker’s legal case. It was the OAG who seized on Wiseman’s disagreement with a legal strategy advocated by Wolkenstein, that includes public­ly exposing the facts and details of the frame-ups of Johnson and Walker, to accuse her of violating rules of professional conduct. During two-years working closely with Johnson, Wolkenstein helped bring public attention to the Campaign to Free Lorenzo Johnson and provided legal advice. Wiseman testified that Wolkenstein had informed him she was communicating and working with Johnson from the outset. Wiseman’s tes­timony also confirmed Johnson’s and Walker’s dec­laration of their own and each other’s innocence. Wiseman also strongly asserted the state had suppressed significant favorable evidence at Johnson’s and Walker’s 1997 trial.

Senior Judge Lawrence Clark made repeated comments during the hearing that amounted to denying Corey Walker his First and Sixth Amend­ment rights to have the lawyer of his choice. Clark consistently supported the OAG’s interpretation of the Rules of Professional Conduct.

The OAG’s legal attack on Wolkenstein and her client has effectively stopped any judicial action on the post-conviction legal challenges of Corey Walker on grounds of actual innocence, police and prosecutorial misconduct and ineffective assis­tance of counsel. A full year has gone by with the Judge taking no action. This is state conspiracy to keep this innocent man locked up for the rest of his life.  Free Corey Walker!

Read: Pennsylvania Seeks to Remove Lawyer
Jim Crow Justice–The Frame-up of Corey Walker by Charles Brover

“A SWAT team raided Corey Walker’s home in July 1996, and arrested him on a 1995 frame-up murder charge from Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. He has been behind bars ever since. Evidence of his innocence was withheld. He is the victim of prosecutorial misconduct and incompetent legal representation. And now the state is trying to deny him the attorney of his choice, Rachel Wolkenstein, who has defended Mumia Abu-Jamal. Corey Walker is flesh and blood, not a statistic. He is son, father, brother and lifelong companion. He cries out for freedom and justice and tries to keep body and soul together under excruciating conditions ….” to continue reading …  

What Can I Do to Help Corey Walker?

Contribute to Corey’s Defense — Make a Contribution Here

Tell the Attorney General — We Stand for Justice: Free Corey Walker!

Write to Corey directly:
Corey Walker DF1014
SCI Dallas
1000 Follies Road
Dallas, PA 18612

If you want to email Corey directly, you may go to jpay.com

Code: Corey Walker DF1014 PA DO www.FreeCoreyWalker.org


NJ Cops Oppose Travel to
Cuba Unless Assata Shakur is Returned
http://www.eurweb.com/2016/02/nj-officials-oppose-travel-cuba-unless-assata-shakur-returned/

Assata Shakur 1Not only have the Jericho Movement consistently spoken out in support of political prisoners; not only have the Freedom Archives and Prison Radio shared messages of support for political prisoners and from the “Voice of the Voiceless”, Mumia Abu-Jamal; now the Electronic Urban Report, which has primarily covered more “mainstream” entertainment and political news, has gotten into the act. The following post by Qwest7 on February 25 concerns the situation of political exile Assata Shakur, currently living in Cuba and now the target an increased effort by US politicians to force her extradition as a condition of normalization of relations between the US and Cuba:

Assata Shakur’s fugitive status and current residence in Cuba is not sitting well with the State Troopers Fraternal Organization of New Jersey as officials voiced a desire to stop flights to the country until Shakur is returned home.

Vibe notes a troubled history Shakur has with the state, which stems from her being arrested during a traffic stop at a New Jersey Turnpike in 1973. Shakur, who was a member of the Black Panther Party and Black Liberation Party, ended up in a shoot out that left her wounded and the vehicle’s driver, Zayd Shakur, dead. In addition to Zayd Shakur, a state trooper at the scene was also left dead from the shooting.

Ultimately, Assata Shakur was blamed for the shooting and was convicted of first-degree murder in 1977. In 1979, Assata fled to Cuba was granted asylum by Fidel Castro soon after arriving in the country.

In a letter written on Feb. 17, the organization’s president, Christopher Burgos, relayed the opposition to any effort to fly to and from Cuba as he blasted the country for harboring Shakur.

“We strongly oppose any request or approval of United Airlines or any other airline a permit to NJ Port Authority airports to fly back and forth to a country such as Cuba, that has openly slapped all Americans in the face with their policy of keeping U.S. fugitives away and safe from the reach of U.S. justice,” Burgos wrote.

Assata’s involvement in the Black Power movement occurred during the time Martin Luther King Jr. was killed.

Electoral PoliTricks 101 – February 2016

It seems that hooliganism has taken over the presidential elections in the United States, and many of us who are “on the outside looking in” are adopting ever more desperate measures to try to stop the total disintegration of the so-called body politic.  White racist organizations now openly call for the election of candidates like Donald Trump (whether the candidates welcome such endorsements or not) to re-establish White Power and “take our country back” (if that’s what they want to do, then they should get on a boat, go back to Europe and do just that, leaving this country to those who will appreciate its natural wonders – its rightful owners from the First Nations and those of us whose Ancestors were brought here in chains), and those who seek to prevent the next race war are increasingly suggesting electoral strategies that seem to border on desperation.  The days of Black Lives Matter activists loudly interrupting the campaign rallies of Bernie Sanders and Hillary Clinton (something they thankfully still do) now seem downright genteel by comparison.

Here are a few examples from the spectacle we call Electoral PoliTricks 101 from the month of February:

An article titled Ex KKK Grand Wizard David Duke Endorses Donald Trump (http://www.eurweb.com/2016/02/ex-kkk-grand-wizard-david-duke-endorses-donald-trump/), posted February 25 at the Electronic Urban Report (which David Duke 2 Confed Flagoccasionally reports on politics in relation to the Afrikan-American community but usually concentrates on entertainment and pop culture news), stated the following:

It’s no surprise that Republican candidate Donald Trump has the support of white nationalist and former Ku Klux Klan Grand Wizard, David Duke, who today encouraged his radio show listeners to volunteer for the mogul’s campaign.

“Call Donald Trump’s headquarters [and] volunteer,” he said on the “David Duke Radio Program.” At Trump campaign offices, he said, “you’re gonna meet people who are going to have the same kind of mindset that you have.”

According to the Huffington Post, white supremacist groups are working to mobilize their followers to get out the vote for Trump. In Minnesota and Vermont, a white supremacist super PAC called the American National Super PAC has begun circulating a robocall in support of Trump.

“The white race is dying out in America and Europe because we are afraid to be called ‘racist,’ says William Johnson, the leader of the white nationalist American Freedom Party. He goes on to lament the “gradual genocide against the white race,” and how few “schools anymore have beautiful white children as the majority.”

He ends by telling recipients, “Don’t vote for a Cuban. Vote for Donald Trump.”

Like Johnson, Duke also pointed out the racial background of Trump’s GOP rivals, Sens. Marco Rubio (Fla.) and Ted Cruz (Texas). “Voting for these people, voting against Donald Trump at this point is really treason to your heritage,” Duke said Wednesday. And while he doesn’t agree with everything Trump says, he told listeners, “I do support his candidacy, and I support voting for him as a strategic action. I hope he does everything we hope he will do.”

Meanwhile, Harvard University political theorist Danielle Allen (below left) wrote an opinion piece in the Washington Post on February 21 titled The Moment of Truth: We Must Danielle Allen Haevard Wash PostStop Trump (https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/moment-of-truth-we-must-stop-trump/2016/02/21/0172e788-d8a7-11e5-925f-1d10062cc82d_story.html), in which she analyzes Trump’s rise to prominence in the context of a divided, disaffected and often angry but still immobilized electorate:

Like any number of us raised in the late 20th century, I have spent my life perplexed about exactly how Hitler could have come to power in Germany. Watching Donald Trump’s rise, I now understand. Leave aside whether a direct comparison of Trump to Hitler is accurate. That is not my point. My point rather is about how a demagogic opportunist can exploit a divided country.

To understand the rise of Hitler and the spread of Nazism, I have generally relied on the German-Jewish émigré philosopher Hannah Arendt and her arguments about the banality of evil. Somehow people can understand themselves as “just doing their job,” yet act as cogs in the wheel of a murderous machine. Arendt also offered a second answer in a small but powerful book called “Men in Dark Times.” In this book, she described all those who thought that Hitler’s rise was a terrible thing but chose “internal exile,” or staying invisible and out of the way as their strategy for coping with the situation. They knew evil was evil, but they too facilitated it, by departing from the battlefield out of a sense of hopelessness.

… [W]hen someone asks what is to be done, silence falls. Very many of us, too many of us, are starting to contemplate accepting internal exile. Or we joke about moving to Canada more seriously than usually. …

Trump is rising by taking advantage of a divided country. The truth is that the vast majority of voting Americans think that Trump is unacceptable as a presidential candidate, but we are split by strong partisan ideologies and cannot coordinate a solution to stop him. …

She then follows this analysis by first congratulating Jeb Bush for suspending his campaign and calling on John Kasich, Ben Carson and Ted Cruz to do the same, after which she seems to urge voters to register as Republicans during primary season and cast votes for Trump’s remaining competitor, Marco Rubio, to prevent Trump from securing the Republican nomination.

The only way to stop him, then, is to achieve just that kind of coordination across party lines and across divisions within parties. We have reached that moment of truth. …

Republicans, you cannot count on the Democrats to stop Trump. I believe that Donald Trump 1Hillary Clinton will win the Democratic nomination, and I intend to vote for her, but it is also the case that she is a candidate with significant weaknesses, as your party knows quite well. The result of a head-to-head contest between Clinton and Trump would be unpredictable. Trump has to be blocked in your primary.

… If your deadline for changing your party affiliation has not yet come, re-register and vote for Rubio, even if, like me, you cannot stomach his opposition to marriage equality. …

Finally, to all of you Republicans who have already dropped out, one more, great act of public service awaits you. … Be bold, stand up and shout that you will not support Trump if he is your party’s nominee. … Endorse Rubio, together. …

Donald Trump has no respect for the basic rights that are the foundation of constitutional democracy, nor for the requirements of decency necessary to sustain democratic citizenship. Nor can any democracy survive without an expectation that the people require reasonable arguments that bring the truth to light, and Trump has nothing but contempt for our intelligence.

We, the people, need to find somewhere, buried in the recesses of our fading memories, the capacity to make common cause against this formidable threat to our equally shared liberties. The time is now.

Ms. Allen does not go into detail about what strategy she would recommend in the event that Rubio’s political platform, which in many ways is even more xenophobic and dangerous, if less bombastic, than Trump’s, catches fire with the right-wing electorate and poses a real threat to take the White House in 2017. Perhaps that is a subject for a future opinion piece from her.

Ms. Allen, of course, is not the only columnist sounding warning bells about Trump and his involvement in race-infused controversy. A February 17 article in The Guardian titled Donald Trump and the Central Park Five: The Racially Charged Rise of a Demagogue (http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2016/feb/17/central-park-five-donald-trump-jogger-rape-case-new-york) by Oliver Laughland (below left) discusses Oliver Laughland Guardian 1Trump’s role in inciting the racist fervor around the case of the Central Park Jogger, who was brutally raped and left for dead in 1989.  Five youths, four Afrikan-American and one Latino, were charged in the rape and assault and were tortured into false confessions.  When the real rapist confessed to the crime and the city of New York released the five after nearly 15 years, Trump expressed outrage at the monetary settlement the city awarded to the now-adult wrongly-accused men, calling it “the heist of the century”.  A few excerpts from the article:

… The miscarriage of justice is widely remembered as a definitive moment in New York’s fractured race relations. But Trump’s intervention – he signed full-page newspaper advertisements implicitly calling for the boys to die – has been gradually overlooked as the businessman’s chances of winning the Republican nomination have rapidly increased. Now those involved in the case of the so-called Central Park Five and its aftermath say Trump’s rhetoric served as an unlikely precursor to a unique brand of divisive populism that has powered his rise to political prominence in 2016. … Michael Warren, the veteran New York civil rights lawyer who would later come to represent the Central Park Five, is certain that Trump’s advertisements played a role in securing conviction. “He poisoned the minds of many people who lived in New York and who, rightfully, had a natural affinity for the victim,” said Warren. “Notwithstanding the jurors’ assertions that they could be fair and impartial, some of them or their families, who naturally have influence, had to be affected by the inflammatory rhetoric in the ads.” … For many who have studied Trump’s rise to prominence, the Central Park case provided an early glimpse into how his racially charged views entered his political and tactical mindset.

“He has this penchant for what you might call otherising,” said Michael D’Antonio, the author of Never Enough, a recently published Trump biography. “I think he knew what he was doing by taking a side, and I think he knew he was aligning himself with law and order, especially white law and order. I don’t think that he was consciously saying ‘I’d like to whip up racial animosity’, but his impulse is to run into conflict and controversy rather than try to help people understand what might be going on in a reasoned way.” …

After declaring in his [2015] campaign announcement that Mexico was “bringing crime” and “rapists” to the US [3], Trump quickly seized on the murder case of a 32-year-old white woman in San Francisco [8] in which an undocumented Mexican migrant is the chief suspect. He has since frequently condoned and incited violence against protesters at his rallies [9], and has vowed to bring back waterboarding of terror suspects [10]. In referencing a promise to issue [11] an executive order to mandatorily execute anyone in the US who kills a police officer, he said: “We just can’t afford any more to be so politically correct.”

Meanwhile, on the Democratic side, activists are putting steady pressure on both Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders to speak out more forcefully on issues of Hillary Clinyon 6concern to the Afrikan American electorate, from support for Historically Black Colleges and Universities to steps their administrations would take to stop police brutality. According to a February 25 article by Antonio Moore for the Electronic Urban Report, Black Lives Matter Activist Interrupts Hillary Clinton, Demands Apology for Mass Incarceration (http://www.eurweb.com/2016/02/black-lives-matter-activist-interrupts-hillary-clinton-demands-apology-mass-incarceration/):

A #BlackLivesMatter activist, Ashley Williams … held up a sign stating “We have to bring them to Heel”, a statement used by Hillary Clinton in support of the criminal justice bill during the mid 1990’s. The activist also demanded an apology for Clinton’s role in the incarceration of black American youth during her husband’s time in the White House.

The Clinton campaign has a number of questions to answer on this issue, as well as her connections to Wall Street, which Sanders has highlighted over the past few months, and her role in the 2012 attack on Libya in which Libya’s President, Moammar Gaddafi, was killed.  That assault by NATO, which was supposedly done in support of United Nations Resolutions 1973 and 1976, designed to prevent violence against Libyan citizens, went far beyond simply “protecting civilians” and amounted to a series of direct missile attacks on Gaddafi’s headquarters in Tripoli, his home town if Sirte and his fleeing convoy, which left him defenseless against the angry mob that essentially hacked him to death.  This was seen as a curious decision since Gaddafi at the time had renounced terrorism, had awarded monetary settlements to victims of terrorist acts by Libyan agents and had offered to assist NATO in preventing the spread of terrorist groups in North Afrika. 

Bernie Sanders 1Meanwhile, Sanders faces a degree of alienation from Afrikan-American voters, and as he works to close that gap, he will ultimately need to deal with a couple of burning (“Feel The Bern”) questions regarding a statement he had made that he did not support Reparations (not that any of the presidential candidates do), though he has made the establishment of comprehensive programs for jobs in the Afrikan-American community, free college education for all, truly affordable health care for all and support for Historically Black Colleges and Universities regular planks in he recent campaign speeches. And his image with the more-progressive Afrikan-American and activist communities was damaged by recent accusations concerning a 1998 vote for a Congressional Resolution that included an attached “rider” calling for the extradition of Political Exile Assata Shakur from Cuba.  That Resolution was also voted on by the cast majority of the Congressional Black Caucus, which Congress Member Maxine Waters (D-California) apologized for days afterward, stating that she had not realized the rider was attached to the Resolution until after the vote.  It is not clear to us at this time whether or not Sanders was similarly bamboozled into voting for the Resolution.

Thus, even as the picture of the presidential race seems to be clarifying itself in terms of thinning the herd of candidates, the issues continue to promote confusion among the voters. A divided country once again further splits itself along racial lines as the Afrikan-American electorate is once again caught between the bombast and xenophobia of the right-wingers and the sometimes-shaky commitment to truth and justice from those on the left.